Monday, July 31, 2006

Brian Tokar on Murray Bookchin

Murray Bookchin, the visionary social theorist and activist, died this Sunday, July 30.

By Brian Tokar

Murray Bookchin, the visionary social theorist and activist, died during the early morning of Sunday, July 30th in his home in Burlington, Vermont. During a prolific career of writing, teaching and political activism that spanned half a century, Bookchin forged a new anti-authoritarian outlook rooted in ecology, dialectical philosophy and left libertarianism.

During the 1950s and ‘60s, Bookchin built upon the legacies of utopian social philosophy and critical theory, challenging the primacy of Marxism on the left and linking contemporary ecological and urban crises to problems of capital and social hierarchy in general. Beginning in the mid-sixties, he pioneered a new political and philosophical synthesis—termed social ecology—that sought to reclaim local political power, by means of direct popular democracy, against the consolidation and increasing centralization of the nation state.

From the 1960s to the present, the utopian dimension of Bookchin’s social ecology inspired several generations of social and ecological activists, from the pioneering urban ecology movements of the sixties, to the 1970s’ back-to-the-land, antinuclear, and sustainable technology movements, the beginnings of Green politics and organic agriculture in the early 1980s, and the anti-authoritarian global justice movement that came of age in 1999 in the streets of Seattle. His influence was often cited by prominent political and social activists throughout the US, Europe, South America, Turkey, Japan, and beyond.

Even as numerous social movements drew on his ideas, however, Bookchin remained a relentless critic of the currents in those movements that he found deeply disturbing, including the New Left’s drift toward Marxism-Leninism in the late 1960s, tendencies toward mysticism and misanthropy in the radical environmental movement, and the growing focus on individualism and personal lifestyles among 1990s anarchists. In the late 1990s, Bookchin broke with anarchism, the political tradition he had been most identified with for over 30 years and articulated a new political vision that he called communalism.

Bookchin was raised in a leftist family in the Bronx during the 1920s and ‘30s. He enjoyed retelling the story of his expulsion from the Young Communist League at age 18 for openly criticizing Stalin, his brief flirtation with Trotskyism as a labor organizer in the foundries of New Jersey, and his introduction to anarchism by veterans of the immigrant labor movement during the 1950s. In 1974, he co-founded the Institute for Social Ecology, along with Dan Chodorkoff, then a graduate student at Vermont’s Goddard College. For 30 years, the Institute for Social Ecology has brought thousands of students to Vermont for intensive educational programs focusing on the theory and praxis of social ecology. A self-educated scholar and public intellectual, Bookchin served as a full professor at Ramapo College of New Jersey despite his own lack of conventional academic credentials.He published more than 20 books and many hundreds of articles during his lifetime, many of which were translated into Italian, German, Spanish, Japanese, Turkish and other languages.

During the 1960s - ‘80s, Bookchin emphasized his fundamental theoretical break with Marxism, arguing that Marx’s central focus on economics and class obscured the more profound role of social hierarchy in the shaping of human history. His anthropological studies affirmed the role of domination by age, gender and other manifestations of social power as the antecedents of modern-day economic exploitation. In The Ecology of Freedom(1982), he examined the parallel legacies of domination and freedom in human societies, from prehistoric times to the present, and he later published a four-volume work,The Third Revolution, exploring anti-authoritarian currents throughout the Western revolutionary tradition.

At the same time, he criticized the lack of philosophical rigor that has often plagued the anarchist tradition, and drew theoretical sustenance from dialectical philosophy—particularly the works of Aristotle and Hegel; the Frankfurt School—of which he became increasingly critical in later years—and even the works of Marx and Lenin. During the past year, even while terminally ill in Burlington, Bookchin was working toward a re-evaluation of what he perceived as the historic failure of the 20th century left. He argued that Marxist crisis theory failed to recognize the inherent flexibility and malleability of capitalism, and that Marx never saw capitalism in its true contemporary sense. Until his death, Bookchin asserted that only the ecological problems created by modern capitalism were of sufficient magnitude to portend the system’s demise.

Murray Bookchin was diagnosed several months ago with a fatal heart condition. He will be remembered by his devoted family members—including his long-time companion Janet Biehl, his former wife Bea Bookchin, his son, daughter, son-in-law, and granddaughter—as well as his friends, colleagues and frequent correspondents throughout the world. There will be a public memorial service in Burlington, Vermont on Sunday, August 13th. For more information, contact info@social-ecology.org.

Murray Bookchin RIP

BURLINGTON, Vt. -- Murray Bookchin, an early proponent of what he described as social ecology, died at home early Sunday at the age of 85.

He was surrounded by family when he died of heart failure at home, said his daughter, Debbie Bookchin.

Murray Bookchin long was a proponent of left-leaning libertarian ideas and was among the first people in the early 1960s to promote the then-emerging field of ecology into political debate.

He published "Our Synthetic Environment" under the pseudonym Lewis Herber in 1962 in which he called for alternative energy supplies among other environmental proposals. It was in that book, which predated by five months the better known work Rachel Carson "Silent Spring," that Bookchin introduced the notion of social ecology.

He argued that only a completely free and open society can resolve the problems that confronted the environment at that time.

Bookchin's views, often well ahead of their time, never got wide play because they were so closely linked to his leftist political thought.

Bookchin was born in New York City in 1921 of Russian immigrant parents. He joined a communist youth organization at age 9, although he dropped out a number of years later, disillusioned at what he believed was the authoritarian nature of the movement.

He was a foundry worker and union organizer in New Jersey before joining the U.S. Army. In civilian life, he became an autoworker, but left the industry and its labor organization after the General Motors strike of 1946.

He eventually turned to his interest in the environment and writing, eventually publishing more than two dozen books ecology, history, politics, philosophy, and urban planning.

He taught at Ramapo College of New Jersey from 1977 through 1981.

In Burlington, Bookchin was instrumental in helping to organize the Green Party. He also co-founded the Institute for Social Ecology in Plainfield in 1971.

Bookchin is survived by his longtime companion, Janet Biehl; son Joseph Bookchin of Burlington; daughter Debbie of Burlington; and ex-wife and longtime friend Beatrice Bookchin.

Sunday, July 30, 2006

ALF action in England

Gosport, England - Animal Liberation Front activists rescued nine goats from the Centre for Human Sciences. The center which is operated by QinetiQ, a contractor with the Ministry of Defense, crushes the animals to death in a hyperbaric chamber to simulate the effects of deep ocean depths. The company claims that the tests are necessary for building military submarines. The animal liberationists snipped through fencing and plucked the goats from an outdoor enclosure and into a waiting van.

Photos of NYC Protest against Israeli Terrorism 7/28/06

Photos of NYC Protest against Israeli State Sponsored Terrorism and in Support of the Lebanese/Palestinian People!

Saturday, July 29, 2006

Derrick Jensen at Capitol Theater Aug. 25 (Olympia WA)

please post and announce widely:

Derrick Jensen, author and activist

Friday, August 25
Capitol Theater (206 5th Ave SE Olympia, WA)
Doors open at 7:30pm, Event begins 8:00pm
Tickets are $5.00- $15.00 and are available at the box office night of show.

Come one, come all and put a fire under our community to fight the federal
grand jury coming to town, the occupation of Cheetwood (Black Bear Place,
the Nisqually name for Olympia), and the destruction of the Earth. Come
feel comforted that there are others who realize that the American
occupation started here, and that Iraq is just another page in a long book
of Civilization's death march. Join together with your friends in creating
a wall of resistance against this occupation here in America and against
outrageous state oppression. The Green Scare -- the FBI witch-hunt against
environmental activists -- has come to town, but we are up the challenge.

One person who has helped many realize the total failure of civilization
is author and activist Derrick Jensen. He has two new books about fighting
civilization, called Endgame volume I and II, and will speak about them.

Members of Olympia Civil Liberties Resource, a group formed to support the
civil liberties of activists in response to the Green Scare, will also
speak about how you can help the resistance movement against state
oppression and the grand jury coming to town. Real people, with real
friends and family, are facing 35-400 years in jail for allegedly
committing arson in this area. We need to show support for these people
and let the government know we will not tolerate their outrageous use of
force enabling their occupation and destruction of this placed called
America.

Derrick Jensen is the author of Endgame Volumes I and II, The Culture of
Make Believe, A Language Older than Words, Listening to the Land:
Conversations about Nature, Culture, and Eros, a USA Today Critics Choice
for one of the best nature books of 1995, and Railroads and Clearcuts. He
writes for The New York Times Magazine, Audubon, and The Sun Magazine,
among many others.

Event sponsored by: Done and Done - Proceeds help benefit Olympia Civil
Liberties Resource

For more information visit http://www.derrickjensen.org and
http://www.olycivlib.org .

Olympia Civil Liberties Resource is an Olympia-based organization working
to defend the civil liberties of all citizens -- particularly activists
exercising their constitutional rights. OCLR seeks to educate the public
regarding current threats to civil liberties, and to act as a general
resource for activists.


London Free Press: More sites hit by vandals

More sites hit by vandals
A group called the Earth Liberation Front is suspected in the damage.
By DANIELA SIMUNAC, FREE PRESS REPORTER
The list of London construction sites hit by vandals continues to grow as police investigate if the damage is the work of an eco-terrorist group.
Vandals who cut wires and filled gas tanks and oil systems with gravel caused more than $100,000 in damage at four sites in the south and west ends earlier this week.
Yesterday, Michael Hayman of Hayman Construction Inc. reported two of his sites were also hit by vandals believed to be from Earth Liberation Front, a group claiming responsibility for destruction at construction sites across Ontario, including Toronto, Guelph and Brantford.
"At first we just thought it was our two jobs," said Hayman, after learning from yesterday's Free Press of the vandalism spree in the city.
"We've had mischief vandalism (in the past), but not this particular thing," he said.
Site personnel found damage last Friday at the Home Depot site on Dundas Street and Clarke Road, said John Gautreau, a Hayman superintendent.
Vandals broke into the construction trailer, got cement and filled fuel tanks in excavating equipment with cement powder, he said.
"They got into all kinds of stuff here. It's costing people a lot of money."
Eight pieces of equipment were damaged and Gautreau estimated the value of each to be at least $30,000 -- all of which could have been lost, he said.
A repair crew arrived and "It took them more than an eight-hour day to get the equipment up and running again," he said.
A message smeared in grease was left on the windshield of an excavator, saying "something like 'Save our Earth,' " said Gautreau. The message was written backwards, so the machine operator could read it, he said.
The vandals "must have been on this job site for one to two hours minimum," Gautreau said.
"It's the first time I've ever seen this."
Whoever did the damage "would know gravel would cause a great deal of damage," said Hayman.
At the Toyota dealership on Wharncliffe Road, south of Southdale Road, workers found fuel tanks of four machines filled with gravel, along with pierced tires on a forklift, superintendent Doug Lelacheur said.
The damage was discovered Tuesday morning, he said.
"It's the down time that really hurts," said Lelacheur. About 40 people were temporarily out of work as equipment was repaired.
At a nearby site on Wharncliffe Road, vandals struck again, this time at Elgin Construction, cutting wires in at least two machines and filling fuel tanks with gravel, he said.
"That would bugger things up for a day or two," said Lelacheur.

Friday, July 28, 2006

Making It on the Outside, After Decades in Solitary

Making It on the Outside, After Decades in Solitary
by
Audio for this story will be available at approx. 7:30 p.m. ET
Daud Tulam

Laura Sullivan, NPR

Daud Tulam spent 18 years in isolation in the New Jersey State Prison. Now on the outside, he finds it difficult to make eye contact or make small talk with other people, including his family.

All Things Considered, July 28, 2006 · Daud Tulam likes to sit on the porch of his mother's house in Salem, N.J., and watch traffic whiz by.

"I spent most of the whole summer out here, daytime and night," he says. "After being confined for that long period of time, you really do have an appreciation for the outside."

That "long period" was the past 25 years, which Tulam spent inside the New Jersey State Prison. For most of that time, Tulam was held in isolation. He spent 23 hours a day alone in a cell no bigger than a bathroom and one hour in a concrete exercise yard.

Tulam is one of more than 25,000 inmates who serve their sentences this way in the United States. It's not what these prisoners did on the outside that sends them to isolation: It's how they behave on the inside. And once in isolation, there is often no way out.

Two Decades in Solitude

In Tulam's case, he was sent to prison for trying to rob a gun store. He was sent to isolation after prison officials say they caught him planning to assault officers. He stayed in isolation for 18 years.

New Jersey prison officials say he never participated in any programs that could have gotten him out. Tulam says he tried to participate, but they never let him out, so he gave up.

Now, on the outside, Tulam has trouble making small talk. Even after all those years alone, when faced with people looking for a conversation, Tulam doesn't engage.

Tulam is taking a class on welding at a local community college. During one recent session, he hid in the back of the classroom.

When the teacher comes over to check his work, Tulam only looks at the floor. At one point, the instructor asks Tulam if he understands a welding technique. Tulam does not look up -- or answer. Eventually, the instructor gives up and moves on.

'I Lost My Social Skills'

In many ways, Tulam's days are still filled with this kind of silence. But there is one place where Tulam suddenly has a lot to say: behind the wheel of his car, when his eyes -- and yours -- are on the road.

"I'm certain that I lost my social skills to a certain extent," Tulam says as he drives through the rundown streets of Salem. "Not that I'm unable to socialize. Just that trivial conversation for conversation's sake, I don't have no tolerance for."

Tulam's 6-foot-frame seems too big for the 15-year-old Taurus he's driving. He's wearing what he wears everyday: old jeans and a sweatshirt. He passes boarded-up buildings and liquor stores. Much has changed about this town, but he says even more has changed about him.

Tulam's luckier that most ex-convicts. He has a family, a place to stay and even some occasional construction work. But he finds much about society difficult. He doesn't like grocery stores, busy sidewalks or going to the movies. And he doesn't like parties.

That came as a shock to his family. Tulam's mother, Charlotte Fletcher, says Tulam used to love to socialize.

"He always had a few friends. But as far as I was concerned, it wasn't the right kind," Fletcher says.

Early on, she says, it was hard to keep her son away from kids who wanted to party.

"He was a young kid when he first got in trouble -- last year of high school," Fletcher says. "He was around with these guys. They been doing a lot of drinking and other things, so I guess he did some wild things."

Looking for 'Some Kind of Relief'

On the day Tulam was released from prison, his family threw him a party in the backyard. He spent the whole time sitting alone in a folding chair in the corner, while his nieces and nephews played. That's the other thing Tulam doesn't like anymore.

"You know, in prison there are no children," Tulam says. "The trivial kind of things kids do, the nonsensical things kids do, you don't have a tolerance for that. I'm still trying to really adapt."

Tulam says he struggled to make the days he spent in solitary pass. He began dividing his time into little increments: Make the bed. Write a letter. Do push ups.

"Even if I would have to go to sleep early, just to look for the next day to bring some kind of relief," Tulam says.

He still does that now. He schedules his day into activities: Take a shower. Eat breakfast. Sit outside. Go for a drive.

"I never use alarm clocks," Tulam says. "I've done it for so long, it's almost like second nature."

'You Become Your Best Company'

New Jersey has one of the least restrictive isolation units in the country. Prisoners in solitary are allowed visits with relatives, though Tulam's family could rarely afford the trip. They are also allowed televisions. Tulam says he kept his TV set on every day, morning until night, for 18 years.

"Up until that time, I never owned a TV, never had much interest in TV," he says. "But when I got into solitary, it was so quiet in there, I genuinely had to get me a TV, just to hear some noise."

Now he can't stand television. But he doesn't want to hang out with people, either. He doesn't talk much with his family. He hasn't joined any groups. He doesn't talk about having any friends.

"Having been in isolation, with hardly anybody to talk to, anyway, you just acquire a knack of just being able to -- like with me, you become your best company," Tulam says.

The Odds Against Making It

There are few statistics about how inmates who spend time in isolation adjust on the outside. Only two studies have been conducted; one looked at former inmates in Washington state, the other at those in Texas. The results weren't good.

In both studies, the rate of recidivism for inmates released from isolation was higher than for those released from the general prison population. And in Washington, researchers found these ex-inmates were more likely to commit violent crimes than their general population counterparts.

In that sense, Tulam is doing better than expected. Having a place to live and a mother to make him food has made a big difference. But at 51 years old, he's spent almost half his life in prison, most of it alone.

"I do have some regrets," he says, pausing for a moment before getting out of the car. "But ask me if I would ever want anybody else's life? Nah. I'm comfortable with the life that I've been given. You know, like saying that I'm a realist. I genuinely believe that every individual struggles in this life, anyway."

So after 18 years of isolation, Daud Tulam's greatest struggle may be finding a way not to live an isolated life.Life in Solitary Confinement

A Terrifying Distraction

The FBI's arrest of seven supposed terrorists in Miami last month is a case of governmental entrapment even more threatening than the NSA spying program.

A Terrifying Distraction

By Salim Muwakkil
In These Times

The FBI's arrest of seven supposed terrorists in Miami last month is a case of governmental entrapment even more threatening than the NSA spying program.

The arrest of seven men in Miami last month on specious terrorism charges smells strongly like a case of governmental entrapment. The men, six of whom are of Haitian descent, allegedly planned to blow up various targets—including government buildings and the Sears Tower in Chicago—but officials found no plans, explosives or any equipment whatsoever that could be used to effect the plot. In fact, the FBI informant who infiltrated the group posing as an al-Qaeda representative is the one who initiated the idea of blowing up government buildings.

The seven men are charged with two counts of conspiring to support a foreign terrorist organization, one count of conspiring to destroy buildings by use of explosives and one count of conspiring to wage war against the government.

The indictment contains no indication of an overt criminal act, except swearing an “oath of loyalty to al-Qaeda,” and taking pictures of FBI headquarters in Miami. The plot “was more aspirational than operational,” said FBI Deputy Director John Pistole at a news conference announcing the men’s arrest. In other words, the men committed a “thought crime,” the infamous offense lampooned in George Orwell’s novel 1984, which the U.S. Constitution protects us against. Even worse, an agent provocateur implanted the thought.

The seven men are Narseal Batiste, Patrick Abraham, Stanley Phanor, Naudimar Herrera, Burson Augustin, Lyglenson Lemorin and Rothschild Augustine, and they range in age from 22 to 32. Batiste, 32, is the group’s ringleader. Family members and friends say the men were part of a group seeking to better conditions in their impoverished Liberty City neighborhood and had no connection to al-Qaeda.

By making the connection, the Bush administration is conflating the activities of those fighting the legacy of slavery with those struggling in colonialism’s wake. This is not a random linkage; Mike Brooks, a law enforcement analyst for CNN, revealed on the June 22 edition of “Anderson Cooper 360” that, “on June 13, the FBI, Department of Homeland Security, put out a call, an information bulletin, ‘Black Separatism a Volatile Movement of Node—Node of Domestic Radicalization.’”

According to Brooks, the bulletin named “the Nation of Islam, New Black Panther Party, … the New Black Panther Nation and Five Percenters” as groups of current concern to law enforcement. The focus on black nationalists is a reprise of the FBI’s infamous COINTELPRO program that ran from 1956 to 1971 and was designed to “neutralize” black nationalists and other domestic dissidents.

The program was discontinued in 1971, after a Senate committee found that “many of the techniques used would be intolerable in a democratic society even if all the targets had been involved in violent activity, but COINTELPRO went far beyond that.”

The U.S. government historically has regarded Black Nationalism as a threat because it challenges the white supremacist biases that frame much of American society.

Some nationalists also infused Islamic imagery and terminology into their programs to counterpoint what many considered the “enslaving” religion of Christianity. Organizations like Noble Drew Ali’s Moorish Science Temple of America (begun in Newark, N.J., in 1913) and Elijah Muhammad’s Nation of Islam (Detroit, circa 1931) explicitly rejected organized Christianity. Since self-professed Christians perpetrated the racist oppression suffered by black people, these groups claimed Islamic pedigree. But their race-based belief systems bore little resemblance to mainstream Islam.

According to associates, the Miami Seven were acolytes of Ali’s Moorish Science Temple, although they weren’t formally affiliated. That distinction didn’t prevent the media from branding them “radical Muslims,” implying they shared the ideology of al-Qaeda.

Attorney General Alberto Gonzales said the group, which neighbors said called itself “Seas of David,” conducted surveillance of several federal office buildings in Miami and discussed bombing the Sears Tower in Chicago. He said they took an oath to al-Qaeda and plotted to create an “Islamic Army” bent on “killing all the devils we can.”

The al-Qaeda impersonator, who, according to the CBS-affiliated television station in Miami, was a Middle Eastern native seeking U.S. residential status by aiding the FBI, wrote the “oath.” He also suggested exploding the FBI buildings, supplied the camera and rented the vehicle to take surveillance photos of the Miami office.

This is a case of governmental entrapment, even more threatening than the NSA spying program. Predictably, the American people, even progressives, seem oblivious to this threat. African-Americans should be particularly vigilant about this COINTELPRO re-run in the name of the war on terrorism.


http://www.inthesetimes.com/site/main/article/2735/

] URGENT: LEBANON PALESTINE EMERGENCY FUND

[Please Read, Respond and Forward]

URGENT: LEBANON PALESTINE EMERGENCY FUND

For Immediate Release
July 27, 2006

The ongoing invasion of Lebanon by Israel has left hundreds
of its residents either dead or injured. Meanwhile, the
58-year Zionist occupation of Palestine has escalated, bringing
with it more death and destruction for the Palestinian people.

Hundreds of thousands of Lebanese and Palestinians have been rendered
homeless and unable to meet their most basic needs by Israel's
deliberate and conscious effort to destroy Lebanon's civilian
infrastructure. Entire neighborhoods in the south of Lebanon and
Beirut have been literally wiped out using US-supplied weapons.

Since the siege of Gaza one month ago, the Palestinian death
toll includesmore than 31 children, killed by the hand of the
"Israeli" occupier.

Al-Awda, The Palestine Right to Return Coalition, calls on all
people of conscience to donate to its Lebanon Palestine Emergency
Relief Fund. All donations will be used to help Palestinian and
Lebanese victims of the latest Israeli aggression.

Please make your tax-deductible donation payable to "Al-Awda, PRRC".
Indicate "Lebanon Palestine Emergency Fund" in the memo section.

Checks or money orders should be mailed to:

Al-Awda, PRRC
PO Box 131352
Carlsbad, CA 92013, USA

To make a secure online donation using your credit card, go to
http://www.al-awda.org/donate.html and follow the instructions.
Please email us at info@al-awda.org to let us know that your
online donation is intended for the 'Lebanon Palestine Emergency Fund'.

Al-Awda, The Palestine Right to Return Coalition
PO Box 131352
Carlsbad, CA 92013, USA
Tel: 760-685-3243
Fax: 360-933-3568
E-mail: info@al-awda.org
WWW: http://al-awda.org

Al-Awda, The Palestine Right to Return Coalition (PRRC), is a not for profit
tax-exempt educational and charitable 501(c)(3) organization as defined by
the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) of the United States of America. Under
IRS guidelines, your donations http://www.al-awda.org/donate.html to PRRC
are tax-deductible

Anti war protestors elect undercover cops to lead protest march

This would also indicate a problem with the method of selecting leaders, i.e., electing cops to plan and direct a march within an hour of meeting them.

Police spies chosen to lead war protest
- Demian Bulwa, Chronicle Staff Writer
Friday, July 28, 2006

Two Oakland police officers working undercover at an anti-war protest in May 2003 got themselves elected to leadership positions in an effort to influence the demonstration, documents released Thursday show.

The department assigned the officers to join activists protesting the U.S. war in Iraq and the tactics that police had used at a demonstration a month earlier, a police official said last year in a sworn deposition.

At the first demonstration, police fired nonlethal bullets and bean bags at demonstrators who blocked the Port of Oakland's entrance in a protest against two shipping companies they said were helping the war effort. Dozens of activists and longshoremen on their way to work suffered injuries ranging from welts to broken bones and have won nearly $2 million in legal settlements from the city.

The extent of the officers' involvement in the subsequent march May 12, 2003, led by Direct Action to Stop the War and others, is unclear. But in a deposition related to a lawsuit filed by protesters, Deputy Police Chief Howard Jordan said activists had elected the undercover officers to "plan the route of the march and decide I guess where it would end up and some of the places that it would go."

It was revealed later that the California Anti-Terrorism Information Center, which was established by the state attorney general's office to help local police agencies fight terrorism, had posted an alert about the April protest. Oakland police had also monitored online postings by the longshoremen's union regarding its opposition to the war.

The documents showing that police subsequently tried to influence a demonstration were released Thursday by the American Civil Liberties Union, as part of a report criticizing government surveillance of political activists since the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. The ACLU said the documents came from the lawsuit over the police use of force.

Jordan, in his deposition in April 2005, said under questioning by plaintiffs' attorney Jim Chanin that undercover Officers Nobuko Biechler and Mark Turpin had been elected to be leaders in the May 12 demonstration an hour after meeting protesters that day.

Asked who had ordered the officers to infiltrate the group, Jordan said, "I don't know if there is one particular person, but I think together we probably all decided it would be a good idea to have some undercover officers there."

Several months after the rally, Jordan told a city police review board examining the April 2003 port clash that "our ability to gather intelligence on these groups and this type of operation needs to be improved," according to a transcript provided by the ACLU.

"I don't mean same-day intelligence," Jordan told the civilian review panel. "I'm talking about long-term intelligence gathering."

He noted that "two of our officers were elected leaders within an hour on May 12." The idea was "to gather the information and maybe even direct them to do something that we want them to do," Jordan said.

"I call that being totalitarian," said Jack Heyman, a longshoremen's union member who took part in the May 12 march. He said he was not certain whether he had any contact with the officers that day.

Jordan declined to comment when reached at his office Thursday. In his deposition, he said the Police Department no longer allows such undercover work.

City Attorney John Russo said he was not familiar with the police infiltration of the protest, but said the city had made "significant changes" in its approach toward demonstrations after the port incident. Police enacted a new crowd-control policy limiting the use of nonlethal force in 2004.

The ACLU said the Oakland case was one of several instances in which police agencies had spied on legitimate political activity since 2001.

Mark Schlosberg, who directs the ACLU's police policy work and wrote the report released Thursday, cited previously reported instances of spying on groups in Santa Cruz and Fresno in addition to the Oakland case. He called on state Attorney General Bill Lockyer and local police to ensure that law-abiding activist groups don't come under government investigation.

"It's very important that there be regulation up front to prevent these kinds of abuses from occurring," Schlosberg said at a news conference.

Schlosberg said the state needs an independent inspector looking into complaints and keeping an eye on intelligence gathering at such agencies as the California National Guard and the state Department of Homeland Security.

Tom Dresslar, a spokesman for Lockyer, said the attorney general had not yet read the ACLU report. But he said his boss "won't abide violations of civil liberties. There's no room in this state or anywhere in this country for monitoring the activity of groups merely because they have a political viewpoint."

Following the Oakland port protest and disclosures about the monitoring of activists, Lockyer issued guidelines in 2003 stating that police must suspect that a crime has been committed before collecting intelligence on activist groups.

But Schlosberg said the ACLU had surveyed 94 law enforcement agencies last year and found that just eight were aware of the guidelines. Only six had written policies restricting surveillance activities, he said.

Paul Wright, Editor

Prison Legal News

972 Putney Rd. PMB 251

Brattleboro, VT 05301

(802) 257-1342

pwright@prisonlegalnews.org

www.prisonlegalnews.org

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Seattle, WA 98117

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