Wednesday, February 28, 2007

Jericho bus to dc on 3/17

Greetings All,
BRING THE TROOPS HOME NOW! FREE ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS, PRISONERS OF WAR.
Join the Jericho Movement in Washington, D.C, on March 17, 2007. The
Jericho bus will leaving from Brooklyn @Flatbush and Dekalb at 6:30
am. Tickets are $25.00. To purchase tickets call 646-261-0193 or 718.
789-1801 OR REPLY TO THIS EMAIL. Please let us know asap whether you
will be traveling on the Jericho bus. For more information about political
prisoners and prisoners of war in theUnited States, see thejerichomovement.com.
For more information about the anti-war demonstration in Washington in March 17,
2007 see, troopsoutnow.org. PLEASE FORWARD THIS EMAIL WIDELY. Thanks.
Peace,
Joan P. Gibbs
Espie Martell
Cleo Silvers
Suzanne Ross

Tuesday, February 27, 2007

Prison Rights Magazine Files Suit Against Dallas County Jail for Violations of First Amendment Rights

Dallas, Texas (February 26, 2007)

Prison Legal News, a non-profit monthly publication, filed suit today in Dallas federal court against Dallas County, Sheriff Lupe Valdez and Deputy Gary Lindsey after the Dallas County Jail banned all newspapers, magazines and other publications from entering the Dallas County Jail.

“If there was ever a jail where prisoners needed to know their legal rights, it’s the Dallas County Jail,” said Prison Legal News’ editor, Paul Wright. “The jail is scheduled to be closed down by the Texas Commission on Jail Standards in the next three months, but now the prisoners there can’t access a legitimate magazine that advises them of their constitutional rights.”

“The First Amendment to the Constitution protects publishers’ rights to communicate with inmates,” explained Prison Legal News’ attorney, Scott Medlock of the Texas Civil Rights Project. “Last year, without telling anyone, the jail decided to stop allowing inmates to receive magazines and newspapers. Numerous courts around the country have held these policies are unconstitutional. Dallas County stands alone in violating the First Amendment.”

The jail policy claims prisoners do not need access to publications like Prison Legal News because they can watch the televisions available in the cell blocks. “It’s been awhile since I’ve seen an in depth discussion of constitutional rights on any television program,” scoffed Medlock. “Inmates in the jail have paid from their own pockets for subscriptions to Prison Legal News. The First Amendment gives them the right to receive it.”

Prison Legal News is a monthly 48-page magazine dealing with the rights of incarcerated individuals. It provides information about court access, disciplinary hearings, prison conditions, excessive force, mail censorship, jail litigation, visitation, telephones, religious freedom, prison rape, and the death penalty. It has been published continuously since 1990. Prison Legal News has approximately 5,600 subscribers nationwide, and nine subscribers who are currently incarcerated in the Dallas County Jail.

Prison Legal News is seeking a temporary injunction requiring the jail to deliver its magazine to the inmates who subscribe to it, and stop the county from violating the constitution. The case is Prison Legal News v. Lindsey and the case is filed in federal court in Dallas. PLN is represented by Scott Medlock of the Texas Civil Rights Project in Austin, Texas.

PLN Editor Paul Wright can be reached at 802-257-1342 or pwright@prisonlegalnews.org. Mr. Medlock can be reached at (512) 474-5073 ext. 105 scott@texascivilrightsproject.org.

Monday, February 26, 2007

Joe-Joe Bowen Needs Help

JOE-JOE BOWEN IS IN NEED OF LEGAL ASSISTANCE

02.26.07
LONG TIME BLACK LIBERATION SOLDIER, JOE-JOE BOWEN IS IN NEED OF LEGAL
ASSISTANCE TO AID HIS BATTLE TO WIN HIS RELEASE FROM SOLITARY
CONFINEMENT. THE JUDGE HAS REJECTED HIS CASE AND HE NOW NEEDS TO FILE AN
APPEAL. THIS NEXT STEP IN LEGAL ACTION FOR JOE-JOE HAS DEPLETED THE LITTLE
MONEY HE HAD. HE HAS ASKED THAT FOLKS SEND HIM SOME MONEY TO HELP WITH HIS
LEGAL BATTLE. PLEASE SEND U.S. POSTAL MONEY ORDERS ONLY, MADE OUT TO JOSEPH
BOWEN.
JOE-JOE’S ADDRESS:
JOSEPH BOWEN
AM-4272
1 KELLEY DRIVE
COAL TOWNSHIP, PA 17866-1021


JOE-JOE HAS BEEN LOCKED DOWN IN THE HOLE FOR OVER 25 YEARS STRAIGHT, FOR HIS
ACTIONS CARRIED OUT IN THE LIBERATION STRUGGLE BEHIND THE WALLS. ATTEMPTS
TO SEND JOE-JOE LEGAL BOOKS THAT HE REQUESTED HAVE BEEN REJECTED AS
PENNSYLVANIA HAS SEVERELY RESTRICTED ACCESS TO BOOKS AND OTHER READING
MATERIAL TO PRISONERS IN SOLITARY CONFINEMENT. PLEASE CONTACT JOE-JOE IF
YOU CAN ASSIST HIM IN THIS BATTLE.

THANK YOU
CONTACT JOE-JOE AT:
JOSEPH BOWEN
AM-4272
1 KELLEY DRIVE
COAL TOWNSHIP, PA 17866-1021

from abcf.net

Joseph "Joe-Joe" Bowen is one of the many all-but-forgotten frontline soldiers in the liberation struggle. A native of Philadelphia, Joe-Joe was a young member of the "30th and Norris Street" gang, before his incarceration politicized him. Released in 1971, his outside activism was cut short a week following his release when Joe-Joe was confronted by an officer of the notoriously brutal Philadelphia police department. The police officer was killed in the confrontation, and Bowen fled.

After his capture and incarceration, Bowen became a Black Liberation Army combatant, defiant to authorities at every turn. In 1973, Bowen and Philadelphia Five prisoner Fred "Muhammad Kafi" Burton assassinated Holmesberg prison's warden and deputy warden as well as wounded the guard commander in retaliation for intense repression against Muslim prisoners in the facility. In 1981, Bowen led a six-day standoff with authorities when he and six other captives took 39 hostages at Graterford Prison as a freedom attempt and protest of the prison conditions at Graterford.

Much of his time in prison has been spent in and out of control units, solitary confinement and other means of isolating Joe-Joe from the general prison population. These include three trips to Marion penitentiary, where he met Sundiata Acoli, and other units. However, he legendary to many prisoners as a revolutionary. "I used to teach the brothers how to turn their rage into energy and understand their situations," Bowen told the Philadelphia Inquirer in 1981. "I don't threaten anybody. I don't talk to the pigs. I don't drink anything I can't see through and I don't eat anything that comes off a tray. When the time comes, I'll be ready."

Joe-Joe is currently held in Pennsylvania.

Joe-Joe Bowen currently receives $30 per month from the Warchest Program.

You can contribute by clicking here.

Benefits for Daniel this week plus great news!

Hello friends,

We wanted to send more information on the two benefits for Daniel McGowan coming up this week.

Also, we are happy to announce that Daniel has been accepted into a masters program that will allow him to earn a master's degree from prison!! We have had our fingers crossed about this for a while and we are happy we found a program that is flexible enough with a commitment to social justice that can accommodate Daniel's situation.

If you are in LA or NYC, please be sure to come out to the benefits and pass it on to friends,
Thanks!
Family and Friends of Daniel McGowan


March 1, 2007: Brooklyn, NY
Benefit show for Daniel McGowan with
Leftover Crack
Witch Hunt
I Object

Planned Collapse and
The Tangled Lines

7pm @ Club Europa, 98 Meserole Street, (between Manhattan and Leonard), Greenpoint, Brooklyn NY.

Only $10!
tel. (718) 383-5723. G Train to Nassau Ave. Stop - Walk 1 block North to Meserole Ave. & Manhattan Avenue. Directions.



==============================
==============================

March 3, 2007: Los Angeles, CA

Benefit show for Daniel McGowan and Jaan Laaman.
Where: Southern California Library for Social Studies, 6120 South Vermont Avenue, Los Angeles, CA,
When: 2 pm - 6 pm.

Artists/Bands include:
Mark Gonzales (spoken word)
Sadiki Bakari (of Nappy Tongue Vanguard)
Ragtop (of the Philistines)
Excentrik (hip-hop)
Sherman Austin (hip-hop)
Canoe
Destruction Made Simple (LA hardcore/punk)

Speakers Include:
Mo Nishida (Asians for Jericho)
Buddy Hogan (Support Committee for the Omaha 2)
Lawrence Reyes (Puerto Rican Alliance)
Marisa Sposaro (Anarchist Black Cross Federation)
Kevin D (Family and Friends of Daniel McGowan)

Download Flyer.

Contact: la@abcf.net or lucha36@gmail.com

Italian Red Brigades members accused of plotting attack on Berlusconi home

By Peter Popham in Rome
Published: 14 February 2007

Police claimed to have averted a major terrorist incident after the arrest of 15 men and women in northern Italy, who they said were members of the Red Brigades.

None of those arrested - all aged between their twenties and forties - replied to questions yesterday. The alleged leader of the plot, Alfredo Davanzo, 50, who was jailed for 10 years in the 1980s for Red Brigades actions, declared himself a political prisoner - standard Brigades procedure.

Police said the group was in the advanced stage of planning attacks on a variety of targets: the home of Silvio Berlusconi, the office of his television company Mediaset and of Sky Italia, the office of a maverick right-wing daily paper, Libero, closely linked to the secret services, and the head office of ENI, Italy's main producer and distributor of petrol.

Also targeted, police said, was Pietro Ichino, professor of labour law at a university in Milan. He has been accused by the ultra-leftists of helping the government liberalise employment laws, making it simpler to sack employees and to hire other workers on a more casual basis.

Professor Ichino is the latest in a long line of experts in the field to be targeted. In an article in Corriere della Sera yesterday, he named seven predecessors in the same line of work who had been killed or gravely wounded by terrorists. The most recent was Marco Biagi, a government labour law adviser murdered in 2002.

Police claimed the new Red Brigades cell was uncovered by chance after a woman in Milan reported a bicycle in her cellar equipped with a hidden micro- camera and miniature radio transmitter. Long and patient bugging work led officers to addresses in Milan, Turin and Padua, where the arrests were made on Monday.

Police said they had filmed military exercises conducted by the terrorists at night in which they trained with an Uzi and a Kalashnikov rifle in the Veneto countryside, then returned the next day to collect the spent rounds. But despite the ambitious targets which police claimed the terrorists had aimed to strike, there have been no reports of any arms or explosives seized during the raids.

Giuliano Amato, the Interior Minister, said: "Probably this time we succeeded in averting a Red Brigades attack." He called the arrests "an important success" but warned: "Today's action testifies to the presence in our country of a Red Brigades infection that has not yet been removed. We know that this one we have defeated will not be the last."

He described the suspected cell as "an organised structure of great danger, but our men succeeded in intervening before it could cause serious damage".

The arrests led to widespread cynicism among opponents of globalisation and Italy's alliance with the United States. On Saturday a demonstration is scheduled in Vicenza, where the Italian government has given the go-ahead - to the dismay of left wingers - for a US military base on the outskirts of the city to be doubled in size.

Radio Sherwood, a Padua-based radio station run by the anti-global movement, commented: "These arrests criminalise the whole movement which on Saturday will march to protest the redoubling in size of the base."

Who were the Red Brigades?

The Red Brigades (BR) are a radical left-wing militant group that, at their zenith during the 1970s and 80s, terrorised Italy with a series of brutal kidnappings and murders.

Formed in early 1970 by a number of radical left-wing students determined to overthrow the Italian state, the Brigades began their political careers kidnapping industrialists and attacking Italian fascist groups.

The original founders were arrested in 1974, and in response the second generation of leaders stepped up their attacks, kidnapping and murdering the Italian Christian Democrat Prime Minister Aldo Moro.

The crackdown that followed Moro's killing saw the majority of the Brigades' leaders jailed although attacks continued throughout the 1980s. There was further violence in 1999 and 2002 when two government advisers were killed.

Marcha: PROLIBERTAD for the Puerto Rican PPs

MARCHA: PROLIBERTAD!!
Saturday March 31st, 2007 at 1pm
Gather at 1 Fordham Plaza
(Look for the Puerto Rican Flags)

Directions: Subway D or #4 to Fordham Road, then bus BX12 to Fordham
Plaza; or buses BX9, BX12, BX15, BX17, BX22 to Fordham Plaza; or
Metro-North commuter rail to Fordham; or #60, #61 Westchester Bee
Line buses.

FREE THE PUERTO RICAN POLITICAL PRISONERS!! The Puerto Rican
Political Prisoners: Oscar Lopez Rivera, Carlos Alberto Torres,
Haydee Beltran Torres, and Jose Perez Gonzalez!!

Join the ProLibertad Freedom Campaign as we KICK OFF “FREEDOM MONTH”
(April 2007) with a community march for the Puerto Rican Political
Prisoners in the Bronx!!

On April 4th, 1980, several Puerto Rican Independentistas were
arrested by the U.S. government for fighting for Puerto Rican
independence!! For 108 years, Puerto Rico has been a colony of the
U.S. government!! International law states, that a colony has the
right to use whatever means necessary to end colonialism!!

The Puerto Rican Political Prisoners are freedom fighters, not
terrorists!! They were incarcerated for their political beliefs and
actions for Puerto Rico’s independence!!

The April Freedom Month is dedicated to educating, organizing and
mobilizing to free the Puerto Rican Political Prisoners!!

Political Prisoners are freed by the masses!! It is time to bring
this issue back to the community; it is time to hit the streets!!

FOR MORE INFO. AND OUR BEAUTIFUL FLYER GO TO: http://www.ProLibertadWeb.com

Saturday, February 24, 2007

Why David Geffen Dislikes the Clintons -- Meet Leonard Peltier

President Bill Clinton's Decision Not to Pardon Leonard Peltier Lost
His Wife a Key Supporter -- and Helped Gain Barack Obama a Friend

By DAVID SCHOETZ
Feb. 22, 2007 - - The sharpest political snipes among the Democratic
2008 presidential hopefuls can be traced beyond media mogul David
Geffen to a jailed man named Leonard Peltier.

Peltier, convicted of murder in 1977 for allegedly gunning down a
pair of FBI agents in a shootout at South Dakota's Pine Ridge Indian
Reservation, was one of the primary reasons cited by Geffen for
jumping ship from New York Sen. Hillary Clinton's campaign in favor
of fellow Democratic Sen. Barack Obama of Illinois.

Lawyers have been challenging Peltier's conviction for the past 30
years. He has become a cause celebre, with critics arguing that the
government's successful prosecution was corrupt.

In 2001, Geffen, a key Democratic supporter with deep pockets and
influence among Hollywood's elite, was one of many high-profile
backers of a clemency campaign for Peltier, an American Indian
activist, during the final days of Bill Clinton's presidency.

FBI supporters, however, fought back, launching an aggressive
campaign of their own to keep a man who they believed killed two
agents behind bars. Among their tactics were full-page newspaper ads
and a march on the White House to influence Clinton's decision.

Ultimately, Peltier was left off a list of 140 people granted
presidential pardons by Clinton during his second term.

"President Clinton looked at the facts and did not act," one agent
said at the time. "That's all I've ever wanted out of this."

But the list of people who received clemency, teamed with the
continued belief by many that Peltier was wrongfully convicted, left
many angered by Clinton's decision.

"Up to the last minute, they were fully expecting that he would
receive clemency," Barry Bachrach, Peltier's attorney, told ABC News.
"But you end up seeing people like Marc Rich, a known felon, getting
clemency instead."

"There was a mass outcry," Bachrach said.

Peltier remains in a Pennsylvania prison. He is scheduled for a
parole hearing in December 2008.

Curt Goering, deputy executive director for Amnesty International in
the United States, worked on the Peltier clemency campaign and
recalls Geffen's contributions both in terms of time and money.

To him, Peltier's continued influence on Geffen does not come as a
total surprise.

"It's another indicator that his case has achieved such substantial
support from people for a long period of time," Goering said.

"The disappointment was so huge," he said. "People didn't forget and
many even resolved to redouble their efforts."

That was clearly the case in comments made by Geffen in a lightning
rod New York Times column Wednesday.

''Marc Rich getting pardoned? An oil-profiteer expatriate who left
the country rather than pay taxes or face justice?'' Geffen told
Times' columnist Maureen Dowd.

And then, referring to the Peltier case, Geffen continued, ''Yet
another time when the Clintons were unwilling to stand for the things
that they genuinely believe in.

"Everybody in politics lies, but they do it with such ease, it's
troubling," Geffen said.

The column, which ran a day after Geffen hosted a California
fundraiser for Obama that fetched $1.3 million and drew celebrities
including Jennifer Aniston and Morgan Freeman, set off a day of
bitter back-and-forth between the Obama and Clinton camps.

Clinton lashed out first, blasting Obama for being hypocritical.

"He decries the politics of 'slash and burn,' and yet his chief
supporters in California are engaged in the politics of slash and
burn," said Howard Wolfson, Clinton's spokesman.

Obama returned serve, saying, "The Clintons had no problem with David
Geffen when he was raising them $18 million and sleeping at their
invitation in the Lincoln Bedroom."

The Clinton campaign also erroneously referred to Geffen as Obama's
"finance chair" when he actually has no official role with the campaign.

Geffen, having sparked the maelstrom, offered his own statement,
confirming the accuracy of Dowd's reporting and denying a formal
position in the Obama campaign. He also offered his "strongest
possible" support for the candidate.

Copyright C 2007 ABC News Internet Ventures

http://abcnews.go.com/US/story?id=2899764&page=1&CMP=OTC-RSSFeeds0312

Friday, February 23, 2007

Save Intertribal Friendship House in Oakland!

Please spread around... $30, 000 bucks is chump change to save this vital community resource!

Photobucket - Video and Image Hosting

The Intertribal Friendship House (IFH)is the oldest Urban Native American Community Center in the nation. For over fifty years it has served as the heart of the Bay Area Indian Community. It has also served as the meeting place and organizing center for American Indian activism of the 1960s and '70s―including the occupation of Alcatraz, the initiation of the Long Walk, and the creation of the Survival School, among many other events and actions that had far-reaching effects nationally, many of which continue today.

It was established in 1955 to respond to the needs of American Indian people of many tribes who had migrated into the area through the Federal relocation program. Since that time, a large and active American Indian community has come to exist in the Bay Area. Similar American Indian communities are found in most urban areas of the Unite States, so that now more India people live in urban areas than in rural areas.

Yet the existence of American Indians in urban areas is often unknown to the public at large. In fact, urban Indian communities are generally invisible to those outside.

This invisibility, now made worse by the severe undercount of urban Indian people by the 2000 census, greatly undermines the ability of urban Indian organizations to develop and fund urgently needed programs in health, social services, and education.

In addition, treaty agreements, which by and large are land-based agreements with Federally recognized tribes, do not extend to American Indians living in cities.

For Urban Native Peoples IFH has served as the Urban Reservation and Homeland. In many cases it is one of the few things that keeps them connected to their culture and traditions through pow wow dance, drumming , beading classes, and the many social gatherings, cultural events, and ceremonies that are held there. IFH thrived with a multitude of programs from employment training, preschool, summer camps, social work, holiday celebrations and the Wednesday Night Dinners that kept community members connected. IFH became the model that other Indian Centers with a specific focus grew out of and replicated.

In recent years though IFH has suffered disarray leaving the house with a $30, 000 debt of unpaid taxes. Complicating the issue are real estate vultures that are looking to redevelop that zone of Oakland where IFH is as that zone is one of the few in Oakland that will allow
high-rises. The community has had two emergency meetings and has established committees to not lose the house. So far $5,000 has been raised with a plan of immediate fund-raisers and a long term plan is being developed to not let this happen again.

Act now

We have no time to spare. We must pay our tax bill in March. Commercial interests are already scoping out our building. The city has designated our neighborhood as a "special redevelopment zone." So, developers are envisioning high-rises, while the city dreams of new
tax dollars. The House is valuable real estate by anyone's estimation. But for Oakland's Indian community, its value is incalculable, its history is rich, and in the bay area's high rent district, it can never be replaced.


Our future is bright

This crisis has brought the community together. We are determined to hold onto our House, and ensure its economic viability for generations to come. We are laying plans to ensure that we won't be passing the hat again come tax time next year. Please do what you can to help support the house.


Save the Legacy!

Fundraiser Events for the
Intertribal Friendship House

Friday, Feb 23

Save the Legacy
All Ages Show
$10
6:00 - 10:00 PM
No Alcohol or Drugs!

Intertribal Friendship House
523 International Blvd, Oakland
(between 5th and 6th Avenue)

Performers include:
All Nations Drummers
Ras K'Dee and Eric Paul of One Struggle Band
Headrush
Goodshield of the band 7th Generation Rise
Nosys

Live Broadcast on KPFA 94.1 FM at 8:00 PM!

For more info Call George Galvis @ 510.689-7350


Thursday, Feb 24

Medicine Warriors All Nations Round Dance
4:00 - 10:00 PM

Location Intertribal Friendship House
523 International Blvd. in East Oakland
(between 5th and 6th Avenue)


We are having our first ever Round Dance with dance and hand drum contests. I want to invite you to join us on Saturday, February 24th from 4-10 PM at Intertribal Friendship House; 523 International Blvd. in East Oakland (between 5th and 6th Avenue).

For more info Call Pat St. Onge @ 510.530.2448



Upcoming events include:

Thursday, March 15

Intertribal Friendship House
523 International Blvd. in East Oakland
(between 5th and 6th Avenue)
7:00 - 9:00 PM $8-10 sliding scale
Community Potluck! Please bring a dish to share.

Film Screening with director Floyd Red Crow Westerman

America's Destruction of Indian Nations:
Exterminate Them! The California Story
Director: Floyd Westerman
Running Time: 48 min.
Genre: Documentary Feature

America's Destruction of Indian Nations: Exterminate Them! The California Story is a documentary that examines the crime scenes hidden between the lines of history. By revealing the systematic role of extermination that each state played in this tragic but true story.

Hosted by Floyd Red Crow Westerman, the film is a California history told primarily by Indians, and most importantly, the Indian point of view.



Friday, March 16

Cafe' Axe' Cultural Center
1525 Webster St, Downtown Oakland, Ca. 94612
All Ages Show No Alcohol or Drugs!
7 PM -2 AM
$10-15 sliding scale

Performers include:

Colored Ink
Goodshield
One Struggle
Brown Buffalo (DJ)
E-legal MC


Saturday March 17
Eastside Cultural Center
2277 International Blvd @ 23rd Avenue, Oakland
All Ages Show No Alcohol or Drugs!
$10-15 sliding scale
4-10 PM
Children's Programming from 4- 6:30 PM


Blackfire
Goodshield
More performers to be announced!


For more info:
Morning Star Gali 510.827.6719
George Galvis 510.689-7350


IFH Website:
http://ifh07.freehostia.com/news.php



IFH Myspace:
http://www.myspace.com/ifhoaklandca

Jeff “Free” Luers Prison Dispatch, February 16, 2007

Thursday, February 15th was just like any other morning for me. I woke up at six, went down to breakfast and ate with my friends. I came back to my cell and turned on the morning news. My cellie went back to sleep, covering his eyes from the light of the TV as I made a cup of coffee.
I had just started paying attention when the ticker at the bottom of the screen read, “The man who set fire to three SUVs as an environmental protest, will serve a shorter sentence than originally planned.”
“That’s me,” was my first thought. My second (and much louder) thought was, “I won my appeal,” I exclaimed, disturbing my cellie and waking our neighbors.
My cellie looked to the TV as the screen continued, “The Court of Appeals has ruled that Jeffrey Luers was improperly sentenced.”
“That’s you!” my cellie exclaimed, echoing my first thought and waking up more neighbors. My cellie got out of bed as the ticker informed us “Luers will be sent back to Lane County for re-sentencing.”
The neighbors started asking us to keep it down. My cellie turned to the bars and shouted, “My cellie just won his appeal.” And in a show of cheer one can only find in prison, the morning silence was forsaken as everyone started congratulating me.
I have spoken with my attorney and there are still many battles ahead. Hard choices will have to be made. I am by no means close to walking out of prison, just one step closer. This is a victory, and while my own personal struggle is making headway others are just beginning.
On January 23 eight former Black Panthers (Ray Boudreaux, Richard Brown, Hank Jones, Richard O’Neal, Harold Taylor, Francisco Torres, and Herman Bell and Jalil Muntaqim – both of whom have been political prisoners since 1978) were arrested and charged with the 1971 killing of a police officer. Taylor and Bowman were first charged in 1975. However, a judge threw the case out after ruling that the men had been physically tortured and coerced into giving confessions.
These men are not the only victims of an ongoing political witch-hunt being conducted by the Bush Administration. The SHAC 7 are serving time for maintaining a website. Rod Coronado is awaiting trial for publicly discussing his role in an Animal Liberation Front campaign that he served time for in the 90s.
Bush has recently, and very quietly, passed laws bringing the National Guard under federal, instead of state, authority. He has enacted laws that make it permissible to open the mail of US citizens without a warrant. Laws are being passed nearly everyday eroding civil rights and granting extraordinary police powers. The Bush Administration rules by creating fear and then uses that fear to justify increased executive power and excuse human rights violations and war crimes.
While Democrats discuss “non-binding” resolutions on the Iraq war, innocent Iraqis and US soldiers are dying. Dying for what? Another imperialist war for oil!
Bush claims we are fighting to protect our freedom. He must not be referring to the civil rights he has taken. Rather, he must mean the freedom to be the world’s largest contributor to climate change; the right to be the greediest nation in the world, consuming more of the world’s resources than any other nation in history.
And now that human-caused global warming is acknowledged as a real threat, what is being done? More debates and the same lack of action.
The American public has placed their faith in a Democratic controlled congress and senate. Indeed, the Democrats may offer some solutions, but they will never create social change. That task has historically fallen to the people.
Generations of activists and revolutionaries have fought against corrupt powers to create social change. Several generations of political prisoners are still behind bars, and still the silent war wages on. While each generation and each individual have faced their own struggles, making sacrifices for their cause, each of us shares a dream. We all believed and continue to believe that a better world is possible: One with justice, equality, and freedom for all.
We believe strong enough that we have staked our lives and our freedoms on it. Because we know that only action creates change.
Every generation of warriors have stood and fought for something better. Every generation of warriors has asked you – the people – to stand by them, in solidarity. They have asked for your support and action in creating change.
I am not saying or asking anything new. Indeed, much greater people than I have asked the same thing of their generation in the name of the struggle. So what makes me think this time is different?
Nothing. I’m just hoping that this time you will do more than listen and nod your head in agreement. I’m praying that this time you will take it upon yourself to get involved; to get your family, friends, and neighbors involved. I’m asking you to believe that change is possible and that united we can create it.
This June, show your solidarity with me, and all those who have struggled, past and present, to make this world a better place. Struggle with us. Hold demonstrations or gatherings at federal buildings or US embassies and demand change. It doesn’t matter what cause or issue you fight for - we are all connected. What does matter is that we stand united and make our voices heard.
- Jeff “Free” Luers
Write to: Jeffrey Luers
#13797671
Oregon State Prison
2605 State Street
Salem, Oregon 97310
More information: www.freejeffluers.org

Thursday, February 22, 2007

WHAT IS “LOW-INTENSITY WARFARE”? HOW “COINTELPRO” WORKS

Kahentinetha Horn
MNN Mohawk Nation News
Feb. 21, 2007.

Some reasons why Onkwehonwe across Turtle Island are having difficulty breaking into professions is because of systematic prejudice that is being instilled in the dominant society. Sports figures are being fired after achieving success. High level Onkwehonwe hockey players are sitting on benches. Professionals are not invited into jobs where they can have authority and can do something worthwhile. This is not accidental. It's part of a long term plan.

The Counter Intelligence Program of the 1960’s and 1970’s, dubbed COINTELPRO, was a systematic use of fraud and force to sabotage reputations, rights and activities. In re-reading “War at Home” by Brian Glick, Southam Press, he says, “Low intensity warfare starts early to neutralize potential opposition before it can take hold”. It appears COINTELPRO not only lives on but has been here for a long time. The government is still setting up agents that expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit or neutralize specific targeted individuals and groups. It is coordinated with local police and prosecutors, news media, business and foundation executives and university, church and “patriotic” organizations.

Over the past 50 years clandestine work became an essential part of the government’s mode of operation. Today there are many trained specialists on covert action.

Any social order based on inequality of wealth and power depends on political repression to control the disadvantaged majority. Modern elites must use covert measures.

Canada boasts it’s “legally decolonized”. It must effectively promote this image to the”free world” and comply with free speech and the rule of law. Shows of dissent within its borders would undermine its image abroad. If Canada is seen as unduly repressive, it will have trouble maintaining the support of its citizens and its effectiveness worldwide.

The “war at home” is primarily the responsibility of the federal government which is supposed to look “democratic”. Business and industry now rely on the government to do unprofitable work like run post offices, airports, roads, job training, pacifying workers and covert operations. They can’t maintain an expensive apparatus for oppressing political dissent as they once did. Provincial, state and local governments don’t have the funds. The job falls on the federal government.

Where did this system come from? It is not indigenous to Turtle Island. It’s not new! The European nation state system is based on a monarchial model with control by a small elite. Propaganda and espionage was used to control the people. The Germans and French could set up a million soldiers to attack and kill each other. Over the past 50 years on Turtle Island clandestine work has become an essential part of European-inspired government policy. Today the multi national corporations on Turtle Island are controlled in European centers. People here are unaware of this effort and are easy targets for the coming take over.

The idea for the KKK, Skinheads, the Nazi Party and other racist groups also come from Europe. In the 1930’s Germany and Japan were setting up fascism. There were mass demonstrations in the U.S. supporting the Nazis until the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor. At the end of the war the movement stopped for a while but is now reasserting itself. It’s now under Homeland Security, the Minutemen and all the other militia groups who are being given encouragement and guns to go after targeted people and groups.

COINTELPRO is not new. One of its jobs is to erase the Onkwehonwe system of achieving peace through egalitarian and consensual relationships. One method to undermine us is through infiltration of their agents and informants to spy, discredit and disrupt our activities. One of their objectives is to scare off our supporters.

For the last one hundred years there has been an exerted effort to eliminate our traditional governing systems and our blood lines that attach us to our land. The Europeans want to claim title to Turtle Island. We are the target because we are the legitimate government of Turtle Island. Our resistance is getting in the way of turning Turtle Island into a police state dominated by a small group of people.

This covert project to foment anti-Onkwehonwe hysteria among the public has not worked. We have been able to push Canada and Ontario into the wall by bringing out our documents and precedents to support our legal positions over our lands. They have become desperate.

The Six Nations Confederacy Chiefs are now in charge of land and development on the Haldimand Tract. There are many strangers suddenly showing up trying to infiltrate the Six Nations to “give us advice”.

One man, for example, came on the scene at Six Nations. We can’t find out who he is. The trail always runs cold when we inquire among the Tuscaroras in North Carolina and the Tuscaroras in New York State where he professes to come from. He went to Texas and started a legal action on behalf of the Mohawks, without our knowledge. He also copyrighted the “Halidmand Tract” in his name. He also claims to be a “trustee” to all Mohawk possessions. Last year he wanted $110 million from whoever to relinquish his rights to our property. Why is the action coming from an oil well state? We don’t believe the Onkwehonwe who are fronting these actions are aware of the overall strategy.

Could the U.S. be orchestrating this operation in Canada? We caught some officers of the U.S. police known as the “ATF” (Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms) sniffing around Six Nations. They’d been there since February 2006 when we reclaimed our land. Canadian Minister of Public Safety, Stockwell Day, said it was perfectly alright with him to have the ATF, FBI and CIA operating in Canada! There was no criticism at all.

We’ve been made aware that in the 1980’s there was a “war room” within the Indian Affairs “Tower of Terror” in Hull Quebec run by a Canadian army officer.

We are stereotyped in the mass media as hardened criminals and welfare bums or beneficiaries of reverse discrimination. This distortion is meant to legitimize our arrest and imprisonment. They scapegoat us as the cause of the working people’s problems.

The police instigate the violence and fabricate the horrors. Dissidents are deliberately criminalized through false charges, frame ups and offensive stories publicized in the corporate media.

The police promote the stresses until we start to turn on each another. Our people are attacked and neutralized by phony charges and scandals so that we can’t carry on our work. We are being manipulated into turning on each other. Psychological warfare tactics include charging us with phony crimes. By the time we are cleared, many of our supporters and financial backers have been scared away and our work is in ruins.

The cops bring the vigilantes into the region. Several days ago the Ontario Provincial Police announced that they are putting in 55 to 70 police in Caledonia, the town next to Six Nations. This is absurd. Ontario and Quebec policing is being centralized by getting rid of small police forces. Local control is being removed. The elite want to maintain strong central control.

We have learned that the U.S. is carrying out surveillance and covert operations for Canada “in support of national foreign policy objectives abroad”. Canada cannot legally spy on its own people. However, covert action by foreigners can be endorsed at the highest levels of government.

Low intensity operations was practiced on the Mohawks in Kahehsatake when Col. Musgrave of MI-5 was brought in to develop tactics to break us down. He did not understand us, so it did not work and he’s still wondering why.

Provocateurs are government agents. They are trained to “seize every opportunity to carry out disruptive activity everywhere possible, even social and other contacts. they've been known to come in and have father children with local women and then leave. They expertly spread rumors and make unfounded accusations to inflame disagreements among activists and provoke splits. Their proposals are divisive, sabotage important activities, squander scarce resources, steal funds, seduce leaders, promote rivalries, provoke jealousy and publicly embarrass their opponents. They lead people into unnecessary dangers and set them up for prosecutions”.

Their favorite is “bad jacketing” a target. That’s calling one of ours a government or police agent. It’s meant to draw attention away from the provocateur. It causes confusion, fuels distrust and paranoia, diverts time and energy from a group’s political work, turns co-workers against each other and provokes expulsion and violence.

The government actually subsidizes arms, directs and protects a sordid array of racist, right wing thugs. The minutes of a meeting in Caledonia that was called to organize an attack on the Six Nations, was attended by an Ontario member of parliament, local officials, the "Brown Shirts" and rioters. They got the nod from the Ontario Provincial Police to buy weapons with government grants.

We are always supposed to know who everybody is, their grandparents, their parents, their families and all their relations. Clandestine repression will only end when the race it targets is eliminated. It’s interesting. It’s scary. Beware of strangers.


Kahentinetha Horn
MNN Mohawk Nation News
Kahentinetha2@yahoo.com

For updates, speakers, workshops and to sign up, go to
www.mohawknationnews.com

Aid for Toledo Political Prisoner


Wednesday, February 21 2007 news.infoshop.org


Donnell Summers is the last person to go to trial for charges
stemming from the historic October 15th Uprising in Toledo, Ohio, and
the first of more than 100 arrested to choose to fight the charges in
court.

Donnell maintains his innocence of the charges, claiming he was
selected randomly during mass arrests and hit with a blanket charge
of felony aggravated riot. During the uprising police chose mainly
not to arrest those who were fighting back, and instead chose to
focus on easy arrests, such as people watching from their lawns and
other non-combatants.

Having originally taken a plea when faced with a jury containing
eight people with direct ties to law enforcement, Donnell has chosen
to vacate his plea in hopes of avoiding the stain of a felony
conviction on his record. His legal expenses are expected to exceed
$5,000.

The police and prosecuters have thus far been able to intimidate all
others arrested from fighting their charges in court. If Donnell can
win his case it will be a huge victory and will pave the way for
wrongful arrest and police brutality suits against the city.

Donations for his legal aid fund are being handled by Toledo's
October Fifteenth Anarchist Collective. They can be reached at
october15ac@hotmail.com to help with any donations.

Wednesday, February 21, 2007

11 Israeli Anarchists Convicted for 2004 Blockade

indymedia.org

The trial of 11 activists belonging to the group Anarchists Against The Wall reached its end today after about three years. Seven of the defendants had their convictions for illegal assembly and destruction of public property set aside in exchange for 80 hours of community service. The verdict for three other defendants was postpone to the 18th of March because of a demand for combining these indictments with previous indictments for political activity. Jonathan Pollak received a three month suspended sentence.

In a packed courtroom, full of supporters the verdict was read in the first trial of the group Anarchist Against The Wall. The charges stemmed from arrests at a demonstration in front of the army headquarters on February 3 2004. That day marked the beginning of the proceedings in the international court of justice at the HagueKaplan street, in front of the army headquarters and graffiti-ed its walls. about the legality of the apartheid wall. Earlier in the day the activists were prevented from reaching a demonstration near Tul Karem and in response they blocked.

The trial of 11 activists belonging to the group Anarchists Against The Wall reached its end today after about three years. Seven of the defendants had their convictions for illegal assembly and destruction of public property set aside in exchange for 80 hours of community service. The verdict for three other defendants was postpone to the 18th of March because of a demand for combining these indictments with previous indictments for political activity. Jonathan Pollak received a three month suspended sentence.

In a packed courtroom, full of supporters the verdict was read in the first trial of the group Anarchist Against The Wall. The charges stemmed from arrests at a demonstration in front of the army headquarters on February 3 2004. That day marked the beginning of the proceedings in the international court of justice at the HagueKaplan street, in front of the army headquarters and graffiti-ed its walls. about the legality of the apartheid wall. Earlier in the day the activists were prevented from reaching a demonstration near Tul Karem and in response they blocked.

Pollak refused to cooperate with the probation services and asked the court to sentence him to an actual jail term and not a suspended sentence . His reasons were explained in a statement he read in the court room.

The judge did not grant Pollak's request and sentenced him to a 3 month suspended sentence which will be imposed if Pollak is convicted of illegal assembly in the next two years. The judge stated that he avoided imposing a fine because he knew that Pollak will not pay it. The members of the group were represented by Adv. Gaby Lasky who has been the group’s lawyer for several years.

The line of defense Lasky used was based on the principles of civil resistance, and used international law, mainly the Nuremberg and Tokyo war crimes tribunals, to legally justify breaking local law in order to uphold international law.

AATW Recent activities against restriction of movement and road blocks (http://www.awalls.org/Rothschild_video, http://www.awalls.org/tel_avivs_center_blocked_by_the_wall_0, http://www.awalls.org/two_road_blocks_removed_in_hebron_region)

Monday, February 19, 2007

Can Nate Ybanez Ever Be Forgiven?


Rollingstone.com
PAUL SOLOTAROFF

His childhood was filled with unimaginable abuse. Then one day he snapped and killed his mother. Should it cost him everything?

Cruelty comes in many shapes, but on these scorched-earth plains of the Rocky Mountains, the misanthropy is panoramic. The heat is a hammer, 102 in the shade, and the baked-brown deadness goes on forever: treeless, drought-choked. What follows you off the ramp from I-76, though, past the slumped motels and up a short turnout to the prison gates, is the odor of livestock waste. The cattle themselves are hiding somewhere, but their stench surrounds you and impedes you, a fence of barbed-wire air you can't climb over.

Inside the reinforced foot-thick walls of the Sterling Correctional Facility in Sterling, Colorado, the meanness is no less bracing. Stone-eyed guards glare down from their perches as you sign the visitors' log, then follow behind, down the long gray hall that leads to a sliding door. Ahead is a room where, alone at a table, sits a tall young man with mild eyes. "Thanks for coming so far," he says, as though you'd left behind the colonized world to see him on the moon.

Nate Ybanez knows something of harshness. He's been in adult prison since he turned sixteen, when the Department of Corrections saw fit to cell him with murderers and child molesters. At the time, he weighed less than most girls his age, a skeletal boy with rock-star good looks and no clear means of defense. Still, he fought the thugs who tried to punk him out, earning for his troubles several stretches in solitary confinement. At twenty-five, he's grown to tensile strength, a six-two length of braided steel, and is left alone now by the jailhouse canines who feast on young boys. As rough as this is, with the gangs in the yard, "I'm safer than I was at home," he says. "Here, at least, I can see them coming. With my father, I just never knew."

He has on his back a stairway of scars from the scapula to the lower spine. Some were put there by his mother, Julie, a strict evangelical who never spared the rod. Others came courtesy of his father, Roger, an ex-soldier who ruled the household by terror. He beat his wife when the mood arose, battered their son with belts and fists, and once tried to strangle him while he slept. The welts on Nate's neck have long since healed, but not the imprint of the deeper crimes: the years of being molested by both his parents, starting in the shower when he was around five.

In 1998, Nate snapped and brutally killed his mother when she foiled his attempt to run away. He was tried and found guilty in less than two days and sentenced to life in prison without parole. His best friend, Erik Jensen, was convicted as an accomplice and is also doing life without parole. Thus condemned, they joined dozens of Colorado teens put away till the end of their natural days for crimes they committed as children. Barring a reversal in appeals court, they will live and someday die within walls like these, taking in the corrosive fumes of a compound built on dung. In a neighboring state like Texas or Kansas, they might have been offered treatment and training in a juvenile facility. But Colorado doesn't believe in such coddling. These boys have a job, it has all but told them: to suffer for their sins till they draw their last breath, and then go straight to hell.

Over the last dozen years, something peculiar has happened in our nation's jurisprudence. Despite crime rates that have dropped in every crucial indicator, America is jailing people at an astonishing clip and keeping them caged for ever-longer stretches in a panoply of vast new prisons. This run-up in convicts -- there are more than 2 million men, women and children locked up now, a 300 percent increase since 1980 -- has spiked most dramatically since the early Nineties, when a series of laws was drafted and passed during the worst of the crack pandemic. Much of that legislation was aimed at teens, whom Republicans identified in the 1990s as the next great scourge of polite society: the so-called "superpredators."

In state after state, the age at which kids could be tried as adults was lowered, binding children as young as twelve to the criminal justice system. Those convicted were sent to adult facilities instead of juvenile detention and given radically lengthened prison terms for a range of youthful offenses. And for kids who played any part in a killing, what awaited them was the world's most draconian verdict: mandatory life in prison without parole, also known as LWOP.

Nowhere is that paradigm more on view than in the state of Colorado, which had long been a state of bold extremes that split its political differences down the middle. But in the early Nineties, the balance of power tipped when two conservative megachurches put their thumbs on the scale. Both Focus on the Family, founded by the Rev. James Dobson, and the New Life Church, run by the Rev. Ted Haggard, plunged headlong into local affairs, urging their congregants to vote only for candidates who were "right on pro-family issues," and to contribute their time and political money to get such people elected. (Haggard, a fierce and prolific foe of "the homosexual agenda" and a former adviser to George W. Bush, was recently dismissed by the board of his church for allegedly paying a man to engage in sex during a three-year period.) In short order, the legislature swung heavily Republican and began to churn out bills that prolonged the terms for adult and juvenile offenders.

In the mid-Eighties, there were roughly 4,400 inmates in this live-and-let-live state; a decade later that number was 11,541, and Colorado was hemorrhaging money. Social services tanked and at-risk kids were left stranded, particularly abused boys over the age of thirteen, whom the state decided were sufficiently grown to fend off their attackers. One such kid was Nate Ybanez, who begged anyone who would listen -- doctors, cops, other kids' families -- for rescue from the violence waiting at home. But every time he ran, the cops brought him back, telling him sternly to mind his folks, who were only trying to raise him a proper Christian.

What makes a teenager kill his mother -- an act so dire it seems to controvert nature and thwart hundreds of thousands of years of genetic code? Many children are mistreated for years, beaten or belittled or shunted aside, but don't pick up a fireplace tool and cave their mother's skull in. Nate Ybanez did, though he is described -- unanimously -- as a sweet, well-mannered boy, the kind of young man other parents admired and wished their sons were like. It's a conundrum whose roots go back at least five decades, to a meatpacking town in the middle of nowhere and a man who raised his family in holy terror.
Davenport, iowa, is the kind of place that kids grow up to leave. Fifty-five years ago, Bernie Ybanez, Nate's grandfather, arrived there as a shell-shocked veteran of World War II, having slogged through the carnage of the Pacific theater. A Filipino with a short-stack temper and a glare that "scared you down to your shoes," as one acquaintance describes it, he eventually found work at the local Oscar Mayer plant and lasted there almost thirty years. But at night he went home and drank, then beat his wife and kids till he got tired. He was particularly brutal to his only son, Roger, and to Maria, the oldest of three daughters. In the copious rap sheet Bernie compiled, there is a record of his arrest for battering Roger, then two, till his eyes were swelled shut. When the boy got older, Bernie would back him into a corner and whip him with a metal buckle, or flog him with a stick "from an acre away all the way back home," says his widow, Kathryn Benisch.

Speaking to Miles Moffeit of The Denver Post, whose series on the state's young lifers first brought Nate's past to light, Benisch described her former husband as "a jealous alcoholic" who didn't like to let her leave the house. "Bernie gave me black eyes, tried to kill me once or twice, and threatened to dump me in a ditch," she said. But evidence suggests the crimes against his children were actually far more egregious. Bernie Ybanez allegedly molested his daughter Maria for years; when she ran away from home, he tracked her down, beat and choked her to death, then dumped her in a shallow grave, say police.

"There's not a doubt in my mind that Bernie killed her," says a law-enforcement officer who worked on the case. "She was buried a long time and we couldn't make the charge stick, but I know in my bones he did the crime." Bernie died of early-onset dementia, accused but never tried for his daughter's murder; still, the effect of his cruelty outlived him. "I knew him and the horrible way he treated his family, which had a negative effect on Roger," said Frank Benisch, who married Kathryn after she split with Bernie, in an affidavit supplied to Nate's appeals lawyer, Terrence Johnson. "It may have influenced his parenting of Nate, who had to endure incidents that I considered abusive. I believe the cycle repeated itself."

Roger, who grew up a brawler himself, wasted no time fleeing his father. He joined the Army right out of high school and took his longtime sweetheart, Julie, a pretty Davenport blonde, overseas. When his hitch was up, the pair came back to Iowa but never stayed put for long. From the start of their strange and embattled marriage, they established a pattern of suddenly pulling up stakes with little notice to family members or neighbors. A search by an investigator hired by Nate's lawyer found thirty-five addresses for Roger and Julie over a period of sixteen years, and further revealed that he'd used four different aliases in his business dealings. Money was always tight -- he sold insurance to soldiers before going bankrupt as a baker -- but it was far from the only rub between he and Julie. She was a devout Christian who gave him endless grief for listening to rock music and playing cards, and he was a cold and controlling ex-grunt who ran his house like a rear detachment. Everything had to be done to his code: the dinner dishes washed and dried just so; the thermostat locked on the setting he chose and never raised or lowered a notch. Failure to comply met with fierce reprisals: a smack, a punch, a chokehold.

They had a number of problems even before Nate's birth, said Roger's step- father, Benisch. Nate's arrival in 1981 only aggravated the strain on his deeply unhappy parents. They moved eight times in Davenport alone before heading to Illinois and points eastward. As far back as Nate remembers, there was constant strife: "They had all kinds of arguments, and he'd hit [me] with his hands or storm around and break stuff, punch holes in the wall. It just depended where he was in the house." (Roger Ybanez declined to be interviewed for this story and has denied all allegations of abuse.)

Even before he was old enough to grasp the rules, Nate was battered by his father for infractions both explained and otherwise. "My father was strong, but it wasn't his build that scared me -- he was incredibly unpredictable," says Nate. "I remember him beating me when I was a little kid for mowing my grandma's back yard crooked, just yanking me off the mower and pummeling me." Later, when he was eight, Roger knocked him senseless "for mopping the floor wrong, like he was training a dog. . . . He [always] cursed me horribly, saying I was worthless and stupid and a pathetic motherfucker all the time. Usually I tried to stay out of his way."

Roger and Julie were fiercely controlling of their son's time and contacts. They forbade him from seeing even his Christian school classmates, warned him sternly not to confide in teachers, and tried to limit his social encounters to youth-group outings at church. Aside from the women Julie met at Bible studies, nobody ever stopped by or called the house. It was, says Nate, like being raised in a root cellar -- kept in the dark with no one to talk to and only his mother for human connection.

Where Roger ran cold, a mirthless enforcer, Julie was an emotional geyser. She was deeply affected by charismatic preaching, and despite having to pack and move every six months, she always managed to forge close ties to a local church where the worshippers wailed and spoke in tongues. Stuck in a dead marriage, as well as friendless and broke, Julie leaned on Nate for her unmet needs. "She was real stressed out and would start crying and sobbing and say she couldn't go on anymore," he recalls. "I just wanted to be a kid, but she always made it sound like it was the two of us against the world, and if I didn't fill that role she went to pieces."

These "freak-outs," as he calls them, took various forms. She whipped him viciously as a little boy, whacking him with wooden ladles till he hurt too much to sit. Later, she delegated his beatings to Roger and bullied Nate in psychic ways. She told him over and over that he'd ruined her life and that she regretted giving birth to him. By the time he reached middle school, she was threatening to kill herself by driving head-on into traffic. Once, while arguing in the car with Roger, she grabbed the wheel from him going seventy miles an hour and tried to plunge the three of them off a bridge. Another time, on the rush-hour Loop in Chicago, she screeched to a halt in the center lane and screamed and sobbed as trucks swerved past or pulled up short behind them. Only fast thinking from Nate, who soothed her with Scripture, spared them a fatal rear-ender.

And so it went with this run-away brood, a danse macabre of seclusion and sadness interrupted by sudden eruptions of full-scale terror. Nate had no friends, never stayed long enough to make one, and rarely saw his grandparents in Davenport. With no one to talk to, he hid in his room, teaching himself guitar on a cheap acoustic. "I felt like crying all the time and couldn't see how it was going to change," he says. "They made me feel like this horrible kid who was causing all these problems when I wasn't. I had real good grades and never talked back -- but yet I never, not once, felt safe."

At some point, Roger took off for months, deciding after a strange, failed turn as a baker, that he really wanted to be a touring golf pro. Nate, then ten, drifted off with Julie to Chicago and then Virginia, camping in cheap motels at the edge of town. Given their isolation and lurid enmeshment, what happened next may have seemed foretold. One morning, Nate woke to hear sobs from Julie's room and went to check on her. "I ask her what's wrong, and she acts like she's not crying, then tells me to lay with her," he says. Embarrassed and aroused when she stroked his arms, he pulled away, but she lifted the blanket and told him to take down his shorts. "She says, 'That's nothing I haven't seen before,' and starts rubbing it back and forth, then stops and says she'll be out soon to make me breakfast."


"I was putting together the appeal for [Nate's co-defendant] Erik Jensen when I went to see Ybanez in jail in 2004," says Jeff Pagliuca, a veteran defense lawyer in Denver, whose motion for Jensen was later denied. "I was asking him questions about the physical abuse, and the way he answered and his general demeanor told me there was something more. I turned to my investigator as we left that day and said, 'I'll bet that kid was raped.' "

Dr. Richard Spiegle, a forensic psychologist with decades of experience assessing sex-abuse claims, took on the case. Making the long drive out to Sterling and back, he found in Nate a reluctant witness, someone who would answer his questions curtly or say he didn't remember. One day, during their monthly session, Nate said he was uncomfortable with physical affection and wouldn't take his shirt off around people. Spiegle asked him to do so then and saw groups of horizontal scars on his back, each six to eight inches long. Spiegle had him examined by a child-abuse expert, who confirmed that they were most likely caused by a strap or a belt.

Still, it was a year of sit-downs and letters before Nate confessed that he'd been molested -- first by his father, then by his mother. What came back were memories of showers with Roger, the purpose of which was to teach him proper hygiene. "Dad's showing me how to put soap on him," says Nate, "and then he tells me to get the soap off him. So I brush it off and he says make sure he's clean everywhere -- put my mouth on his penis. So I have to do what he says. I was really little at the time." Asked how little, he ponders, then holds his hand up, marking the height of a five-year-old boy.

He didn't recall how often that happened or when the incest stopped, only that he took many showers with Dad as a boy. Then, months later, he met with Spiegle to broach memories more painful still. In all, he recounted five episodes with his mother when he was ten to twelve years old, culminating in intercourse during a rare vacation to Disneyland. He said the incest stopped after they moved to Virginia and his father rejoined them there, but Spiegle sounds skeptical. "It's my experience," he says, that "sex predators don't stop until they're caught and jailed." Regarding the rapes, however, he has no doubt, despite a lack of evidence, which is common in such cases. "Particularly where the abuse is old, you almost never have the benefit of corroboration. It all comes down to whose testimony is credible, and out of the hundreds of cases I've testified in, Nate is right there at the top."

In 1996, the family moved to Colorado, broke and at loose ends. For months, Nate and Julie shared a motel room while Roger struck out on his own. By summer, though, their luck took a turn for the better. Julie found work selling radio ads, Roger was hired as a golf pro in Denver, and the couple reunited and found a shabby two-bedroom in the otherwise opulent suburb of Highlands Ranch. They enrolled Nate, 14, in a Christian prep school, but he got caught smoking dope and left soon after. By then, he was so depressed that such things ceased to matter. "It was almost unbearable, like drowning," he says, "but with people standing around and watching."

He was getting up the nerve to kill himself when, in the summer of '97, everything changed. Working at a pizza joint in Highlands Ranch, he met a kid who also played guitar. Brett Baker was a boy with a Porsche Carrera and a tight circle of rich, unhappy friends. He introduced Nate to Erik Jensen, who was fronting a band called Troublebound and looking for a kid who could play some rhythm guitar. Nate nailed the audition and was swiftly inducted into the stoned, raucous scene in Erik's basement.

The oldest child of a venture capitalist, Erik lived in a massive house with his own suite of rooms on the ground floor. There was beer in the fridge, his folks were gone during the day, and the boys in the band were tall and lean and played loud enough to loosen wisdom teeth. Within weeks, there were girls camped out in the den, passing a joint around.

"I'm not sure what it was, but Nate slid right in there and everybody took him to heart," says Jensen in the visitor's room of the Arkansas Valley Correctional Facility, at the bottom of the state in tiny Ordway. He's twenty-five years old now, and his hair, once spiked, is buzzed to the scalp in a jailhouse crew, and his former pipe-cleaner arms are carved and inked. His eyes meet yours in a neutral gaze, but they have the chill remoteness of a hard-shell man who has cast aside all faith in basic fairness. "He was almost like a brother from the day we met," says Jensen. "I knew he was having problems before he said so."

It's not immediately clear what their bond was based on. Erik was a scion of Highlands Ranch, a vast development due south of Denver that might easily pass for the plains states' largest mall. With its knots of seven-figure golf-course villas, resplendent views of the Rocky foothills and ranch-style town homes for the not-yet-rich, it mass-produced overindulged, spendthrift kids who treated their parents like bank cards. At Highlands Ranch High School, a leviathan place whose architect also helped design a "supermax" prison, the student lot was busy with German coupes, the girls breezed to Neiman Marcus during lunch, and the boys spent their time in the nearby tanning salons and gyms to keep up. But in much of Highlands Ranch there's a tangible substrata of rage behind the gilded doors.

Erik and his friends, a dozen or so kids of varying privilege, seemed to be perpetually pissed off; their anchor was their punk-rock anomie. As a bright, redheaded piano-playing kid in the exurb of Parker, Erik had been picked on a lot by other boys growing up. When the four-year-old Korean girl his parents adopted developed severe emotional problems and needed their full attention, Erik felt himself cast aside and began acting out at school. He smart-mouthed teachers and associated with troubled kids -- "the kind with broken wings," says his mother, Pat. The summer he met Nate, though, he seemed to have blossomed. He'd gotten his braces off and he chopped his long hair, spiking it blond -- suddenly, almost overnight, girls were calling at all hours. He continued, however, to cleave to his outcast crew, none of whom was any mother's dream.

"Most of us were dealing with our own dysfunctional families, and the music we listened to and the drugs we did were a big 'fuck you' to them," says Lisa Christopherson, a tall, striking blonde who dated Baker that year. "We'd hang in Erik's basement, blasting NOFX, or get someone older to buy us beer and climb this big tower near Brett's house. It got cold up there, especially at night, but we were so baked we hardly felt it."

Nate was dazzled by his new friends' wealth and their license to do as they liked. They had cars and allowances and nonchalant sex, trysting in the park at one a.m. or sneaking girls in for overnights. He, by contrast, had to beg his mom's permission to attend band practice after school. Nate solved the problem by ditching school, drinking and skateboarding with his boys. A number of girls came on strong with him, charmed by his lank good looks and his shyness, but they didn't get very far. "In the five months we dated, we were never intimate, and I tried," says Lindsay Fouty, 26, now a veterinary technician in Durango. "We would start making out, and then he'd suddenly get up and say he was thirsty and get water." Adds Christopherson, a cosmetologist in Denver, "There'd be eight of us in the hot tub in our bras and panties, and Nate would sit on the deck and give that awkward smile, while we wondered why he wasn't coming in."

Nate didn't mention his family often and seldom had kids over, but Erik detected there was trouble. "He'd freeze around his parents, just clam the hell up and stare at the floor," he says. "After a while, he finally admitted that his dad beat him up, and I was all on him to get help. I'd say, 'You don't have to sit there and take this, man. Tell someone -- anyone.' But he was scared." Still, word got around to his other friends, none of whom were taken by surprise.

Says Macy Urbanek, now a cocktail waitress, who dated Brett Baker that year, "One night I was there with Brett and Lisa, and his mom was throwing hot dogs in the fireplace with some of her church-lady pals. They were chanting that these were the dicks of their men and they were freeing themselves from them, and Nate was just so embarrassed. His mom, I think, loved him, but with a weird, sick love, and his dad, who I barely saw, was a vicious guy." Adds Christopherson, "What a scary monster. He'd walk in the house and just give you this look that made your insides flop."

Nate's experiment with freedom, which began that summer, soon came to a screeching halt. Late one night, he was startled awake to find his father's hands around his throat. He fought to wrench free, but Roger had him by eighty pounds and pinned him to the bed frame, squeezing harder. Nate might have died there, half on and off the bed, if his mom hadn't begged for his life. Roger let him up but was far from done, tossing his son off the walls of his room and stomping his possessions underfoot.

Nate took off, vaulting down the steps of their rented two-family and out into the freeze-dried night wearing just his jeans. Roger was hard behind him, having taken the car, but Nate knew those side streets cold. He made it to the woods and tiptoed from there, skulking through dooryards and strip-mall alleys till he turned up, shoeless and shirtless, at Brett Baker's. There, on the doorstep, he convulsed in sobs and for the first time poured out his story. The beatings, the verbal abuse, the emotional degradations -- he couldn't hold back any longer.

Brett's parents, mortified, heard him out, then called the Douglas County sheriff's office, demanding that Nate be placed in care and that deputies arrest his father for assault. (The Bakers declined to speak for this article, but their call to the sheriff was confirmed by the Jensens and Lisa Christopherson.) Within minutes, there were officers at the Bakers' door, ordering them to turn Nate over to his parents and have no further contact with him. As they stuffed him into the back of their cruiser, ignoring his cries to take him "anywhere but home," they warned the Bakers that they'd face arrest if they "harbored a fugitive from another family."

The following morning, there was a knock on the Bakers' door. They opened it to find Nate's dad and a large friend on their stoop, Roger wielding a baseball bat. "Brett called me and said, 'You won't believe this -- that maniac just threatened to kill us,' " says Christopherson. The Bakers promptly dialed the sheriff's office, and again the deputies came out. "But instead of arresting Roger, they asked him politely to go home," says Curt Jensen, who got the story from Brett's father that morning. "I don't know what pull Roger and Julie had with the cops, but they sure seemed to do their damn bidding."

Later that day, the Jensens met at the Baker home, and the two couples discussed their plan of action. "We decided that night to tell the authorities, which for us was a very big step," says Curt Jensen. "We filed a report with the Department of Human Services, saying someone needed to get him the hell out of there. A worker told us she'd go out and take a look, but said nothing came of it. It was the view of the department that boys could fend for themselves -- they didn't have the time or staff to baby-sit guys."

Nate confirms that he never saw a worker. The DHS, through spokeswoman Liz McDonough, says it won't comment on cases involving minors "in order to protect their privacy." As for Jensen's claim that it doesn't start files on boys who are thirteen and older, McDonough said, "That isn't and has never been our policy. If someone said that, they were speaking out of school."

Roger's attack on Nate, and Nate's flight to the Bakers, raised the final curtain on the family drama. The next nine months were a constant siege of fights and botched escapes. By his own calculation, Nate ran away from home a dozen times that year, hiding with friends or walking the streets till the deputies picked him up. In the file turned over to his appeals lawyer, Terrence Johnson, there are records of six "contacts" between Nate and sheriff's officers that fall and the following spring; though the cops themselves note that he asked for "relocation," they either took him home or held him for Julie and never called DHS, as required by law. "Had Nate been a woman who alleged abuse, they'd have arrested her attacker," says Johnson. "But in the case of an abused boy, the cops shrugged their shoulders and didn't pass him on to Human Services. About the best you can say is they were thoroughly incompetent. Or you could call this what it is: criminal negligence."

That winter, Roger left the house for good, moving to a flat across town. Nate and his mother took a small two-bedroom and declared they were starting over. They weren't. Julie put a tap on Nate's phone at home, crank-dialed to report Erik and Bret for arson, and followed Nate over to Erik's place, where she poured out her troubles to his mom. "It was always about how depressed she was and how rotten her life had become," says Pat Jensen. "Or she'd say how worried she was about Nate and ban him from coming here, then turn right around a week or two later and ask if he could come stay with us."

Nate slipped back into a deep depression and began drinking hard before breakfast. "I felt like I couldn't function without it," he says. Friends intervened, but their help didn't take, and besides, they weren't doing much better. "We started out light, with pot and beer," says Urbanek, "but then it got crazy with acid and 'shrooms, and the next thing you know, it's coke and speed and the cops are fucking camped in Erik's driveway. We all just lost it, and none of the parents noticed. It was like, 'Oh, you wrecked your Audi? Here's another.' "

The one bit of leverage Nate's parents still had: the threat of sending him to a Christian boot camp in faraway Missouri. They'd gone to the length of rousting him one winter night, tossing him, barefoot, into the back of their car and driving twelve hours to a sad-sack barracks just south of Kansas City. Nate tried to kick the rear window out, but his father pulled over, said he'd turn the car around and hand him to "a huge ex-con" he knew who'd rape him until he "broke." When they got to the boot camp, it was just as Nate feared, a "bunch of brainwashed kids" milling around, looking like they never wanted to leave. He begged his parents to take him home, agreeing to any terms they laid down for him. Grudgingly, they relented. But five months later, on June 5th, 1998, they woke him up and told him to get packed.

"He called me that morning, totally freaked," says Erik, who'd sworn to protect him like a brother. "The idea I came back with was we'd leave that night, go up to the mountains and camp a while, then head to California and get work. We had our guitars and some cash between us. We could've made a living playing clubs there."

The plan was to meet up after work that day, drive to Nate's place to grab his duffel bag and be gone before his parents came home. But by the time Nate finished his shift at Einstein Bros. Bagels and Erik, who was high, got around to picking him up, Julie's car was parked outside the house. Nate told Erik to sit tight for twenty minutes and come get him if he hadn't made it down by then. Twenty minutes passed, and Erik knocked on the door. Julie answered it wearing a "hateful" glare.

That's the last point the former friends agree on.

What happened next was the subject of two trials and three contradictory versions from those involved. This much is known: Shortly after Erik entered the house, Nate hit his mother in the head from behind with a metal fireplace tool, then held it against her throat and choked her with it. The cause of death was strangulation, though she'd been struck twenty times in the skull with the weapon and had three fractured fingers as well. She shed so much blood on the walls and floor that it took her son and two of his friends several hours to clean it, and additional hours to hide the evidence -- blood-soaked cleaning materials -- in a scatter of strip-mall dumpsters. There were, however, no witnesses, and the tossed evidence was never recovered, so the trials turned mainly on the accounts of the kids involved, particularly that of Brett Baker.

Erik's was the least persuasive of the bunch, which partly explains why he got life for murder instead of three-to-six for accessory after the fact. He says that Julie asked him to go wait in Nate's room while she and her son had a "family talk." He claims he did as ordered, figuring he'd gather Nate's things while the two of them argued in the parlor. But once down the hall, he heard the "bangs and crashes" of two people "fighting to the death." He insists, however, that he stayed put in the bedroom till Nate yelled out to "bring plastic wrap." Only then, after running to the kitchen across the hall, rummaging the drawers for the box of wrap, did he enter the parlor, he says. There, he saw Nate and Julie bathed in blood and grappling on the red-soaked rug. "Then I passed out from seeing all that blood, and when I came to, he was behind her with fireplace tongs, choking her to death with it," he told a jury. "We both just sat there, in shock, I guess. Then he passed the thing to me and I guess I dropped it."

Brett Baker, who got a call on his pager from Nate shortly after the killing, told a quite different story. He said that when he got to Nate's home that night, Erik was giving the orders, telling him to grab a wad of paper towels and start cleaning up the gore. Both boys were covered in blood, he said, and though Nate first claimed he'd done the crime alone, Erik later conceded to Brett that he'd struck Julie three times, once so hard the tool lodged in her skull and spattered the wall with blood when he yanked it out. He concocted the cover story they told the cops, provided Nate a shovel and a can of gas to dispose of Julie's corpse, and talked Brett into fleeing with him after Nate was arrested for murder. They ran to Mexico and stayed for a night, then called their fathers to come get them.

In court, Brett was far from an ideal witness. He'd lied to the cops and had been deceptive in a polygraph test, but he managed to cut a sweetheart deal with the prosecution. Still, it was largely his testimony that convicted his friends and sent them to prison for life. Under enormous pressure from the county DA, who threatened for a year to charge him with murder, he took the stand to say that on the day of the crime, he'd visited Nate at the bagel store, where Nate told him he was going to kill Julie that night and Erik knew and was "scared shitless about it." That part of his story rings patently false -- a third friend who was with them never heard the conversation. "I did run into Brett that afternoon," says Nate, "but he lied and said whatever the DA told him to get light treatment in the case. Cops are good at intimidating people, and Brett was easily intimidated."

Perhaps because Nate's version of the events that day is so un-self-serving, it seems the most credible of the three. He takes sole blame for Julie's death. He said his mom had fixed him with that hateful gaze when she opened the door to find Erik, and that seeing it, Nate "snapped" and bashed her skull in. He said as much to the sheriff's deputies who found him before dawn on June 6th, standing beside his mother's body in a park not far from home. Six years later, he repeated it in court when he testified -- against his own best interests -- at Erik's appeal hearing, which failed. And while Erik built a defense around the crackpot notion that he was too stoned to have done the crime, Nate bridles when asked if he was drunk or high the night Julie died: "If I had been intoxicated, I'd have been able to handle things, but it was all too much for me. If my mother hadn't died that day, I would have. Just thinking about it now makes my heart hurt."

No less haunted are Erik's parents, who've made a sort of shrine of his downstairs suite. Lining the shelves of his walk-in closets are clear bins that store every toy he had from middle childhood up, a museum-quality trove of memorabilia in a life stopped short in Act I. "You say to yourself, 'Why would a kid that successful throw it all away for something stupid?' " says Pat, in her sumptuous parlor. "The only thing I've come up with is that, from the time he was little, we urged him to take care of weak kids. He was always befriending boys whose moms were beating them up or whose fathers were coming home drunk, and he was outraged kids could be treated like that. Maybe we did too good a job."

Erik Jensen was convicted in August 1999 in a trial muddied, if not poisoned, by the Columbine shootings, which had happened four months prior and just ten miles south. The drumbeat was no less loud in October, when Nate came up for trial and was tried and convicted in under a day and a half -- less time than it usually takes to select a jury in a case of first-degree murder. Nate was about to be let down again, this time by his attorney. In many states, minors charged with serious crimes are appointed an independent legal counsel. A guardian ad litum, as the adviser is called, can help them reach informed decisions about their own defense and point out any possible conflicts as their trial approaches. Given Nate's lifelong abuse at home, someone should have questioned his father's swooping in and hiring his lawyer. But Nate was charged as an adult offender and thus deemed old enough to make his own choices -- even if he was so beclouded after the killing that he sat in the courtroom drawing childlike doodles while being arraigned. A judge had a chance to amend this oversight when Nate's lawyer, Craig Truman, filed a preliminary motion to have his confession tossed. At the hearing, a tape of the interrogation was played to prove that his father left the room before Nate talked, which in fact rendered his admission moot. But before he stormed out, Roger was heard telling Nate, "You're a fuckface and a piece of shit!" "That alone should have been grounds for a guardian ad litum," says Curt Jensen. "When the man paying your legal fees wishes you the worst, what chance have you got to win the trial?"

Mary Ellen Johnson, the director of the Pendulum Foundation, a nonprofit group whose lobbying arm seeks to "restore sanity" to the state's sentencing laws, believes the failure of the system to protect Nate's rights was simply business as usual in Colorado. "I've never seen a place where the deck is so stacked against kids getting a fair shake in court," she says. "These boys are too young to know their best interests, some are schizophrenic or severely bipolar, and no one ever bothers to check their home background, so the DAs are shooting fish in a barrel. They've got a ninety percent conviction rate when they take them to trial."

To be sure, Nate's lawyer had his work cut out for him: a deeply devout victim whom the DA portrayed as a self-denying saint; a defendant who belonged to a punk-rock band with the jury-baiting name of Troublebound; and prosecutors not the least bit inclined to temper justice with mercy. But Truman had ample weapons himself: Nate's history of battering at the hands of his parents, and relatives eager to vouch for it, along with witnesses like the Jensens, Bakers and others to document the abuse; the police files reflecting his cries for help and the DHS records of home visits; and a roster of highly credentialed experts on the role that abuse plays in parent killings. There are well over 100 teens sitting in jail in America for murdering one or both parents, and discounting the handful with severe mental illness, they fall into two distinct types. In the first and largest group are the kids who suffered years of grotesque cruelty at the hands of their mother and/or father. In the second are what Kathleen Heide, a criminology professor at the University of South Florida and author of Why Kids Kill Parents, calls "dangerously anti-social kids, many of whom have been overindulged since childhood and have no tolerance for the word 'no.' They kill for self-interest -- for instance, when parents put their foot down and belatedly try to set some limits." Often, says Heide, these trials devolve into a contest between the two types: the defense lawyer working to portray his client as a torture victim who snapped, and the state asserting that he or she was, instead, a spoiled brat.

"Any competent attorney will bring on an investigator and mental-health expert to gather facts," says Heide. "Was the abuse severe and long-lasting? Did other people know about the ongoing harm, at least the physical kind? Did the child make an effort to go get help? Did he or she try to escape the house? If most or all of those factors were present, you have a powerful story to tell the jury, and often enough leverage to reduce the charge to something like manslaughter."

Truman was paid a flat fee of $90,000, which was more than enough money to shine a hard light on Roger and Julie. But the man signing his checks -- half up front, half on verdict -- was, of course, Roger Ybanez. And so Truman (who declined to speak for this story, claiming attorney-client privilege) hired no investigator, called no abuse experts, and ignored the chorus of pleas from Nate's family, the Jensens and the Bakers to let them testify. He spent virtually no time with Nate before trial (his notes, which ought to have been copious for such a case, ran to exactly four pages). When the trial started that fall, Truman called no witnesses, produced no evidence and only broached the subject of Nate's abuse to deride it as a sham. His entire case consisted of opening and closing statements in which he freely conceded that Nate killed his mom and may have had "a hole in his soul." The jury came back after ninety minutes with its foregone conclusion: guilty.

"If his lawyer had done his job, it could certainly have changed the outcome," says Jerry Huling, a printing-products distributor who served on the jury. Seven years later, he still seems pained by the verdict. "In light of what I know now, I feel Nate needs another trial. I don't even know that he belonged in adult court, based on circumstances that weren't presented. I'm a very private person with nothing to gain by speaking out, but something wasn't right in that courtroom."

Terrence Johnson, Nate's appeals lawyer, puts it more bluntly. "It's one of the worst jobs ever by a trial attorney. You're entitled to a constitutional defense in court, meaning a competent lawyer who puts your interests first and signs a piece of paper that says so. I don't even have to show that he tanked the case. All I have to do is prove the conflict of interest, and there's enough on that to file a motion tomorrow."

Much is riding on the outcome of that hearing. Should a judge find that Nate was denied due process, he would grant him the right to a second trial and ample leverage to negotiate a deal. "The fact is, this should've been a manslaughter case, with a term of eight-to-twelve," says Johnson. "I would hope I could get him out on time served." When and if that happens, Nate's ex-friend Jensen would have grounds to seek a reduction of his own. Says his lawyer, Jeff Pagliuca, "There's no law that says they have to release my guy if his co-compliciter gets out, but it would look bad for the DA to keep Erik in if the kid that swung the poker goes home."

What stands in the way of an appeal, though, is money, or the lack thereof. It costs tens of thousands to fly in expert witnesses on the subject of legal ethics, and Johnson's client is destitute. Nate earns the sum of fifty dollars a month making office furniture in jail, and some of that goes for basic amenities like toothpaste and toilet paper. Johnson was paid a retainer by Jensen's parents, but that money ran out months ago, and he has since been working pro bono. There is an online nonprofit to raise cash for Nate's defense (Friendsof NathanYbanez.com), but the returns thus far have been negligible. The only other option is an appeal for clemency, but that, say his backers, is the longest of long shots.

In the meantime, Nate doesn't dine out on hope. He's spent about a third of his life behind bars -- sixteen months in county awaiting trial, three years in the dust bowl of Arkansas Valley, and five years steeping in the methane fumes in this hog farm of a prison -- but has kept himself busy becoming a scholar. He earned a G.E.D. within months of his arrest, and he reads deeply and widely in abstruse subjects like geology and quantum physics. Raised a lockstep Christian, he has converted to Buddhism, waking up early to meditate, another self-taught art. "When I read the Dalai Lama, my anger, which was horrible, began to dissipate," he says. After several combative sit-downs with Roger in prison, Nate barred him from coming again: "He didn't like the fact that people were helping me and said I should just stay here." Nor does he hear from the rest of the family. He rarely, if ever, gets visitors.

But after years of withdrawal from his high school friends, he has begun again to reach out by mail. They, particularly the girls, were the closest he came to a connection in the world, and for one brief stint, twelve ravishing months, they brought him fully to life. Recently, he wrote to Lisa Christopherson, thanking her for some photos she'd sent. He described his jailhouse study of the Kabbalah, then recounted a couple of stop-time moments he'd shared with her that summer. Both took place during sudden downpours of "soft, huge droplets of rain," when the two of them dashed out into the street and ran around, soaking wet. Those romps, he writes, "were either a gift from some force or a mistaken shift in the cosmos." They were also the "only two times in my life I felt safe and happy and complete. Home is the word I like to use, and I've wanted to return to that place ever since."

Mandatory sentencing violates basic rights as citizens

Editorial >By: Emerald Editorial Board

On June 16, 2000, Jeffrey "Free" Luers and Craig "Critter" Marshall torched three SUVs at the former Romania truck lot and then tried to set fire to the Tyree Oil Co., both in Eugene. They were later arrested and charged with a litany of felonies.

Luers pleaded not guilty to the charges, while Marshall pleaded guilty. Because of mandatory sentencing requirements, Luers received a 22-year-sentence for his crime; Marshall, having copped a plea with the state, received a sentence of a little more than four years. Marshall has slid into obscurity - or, among some activists who post to anarchist Web sites, has become an activist non grata - due to his surrender to the police. Yesterday, the court overturned Luers' 22-year sentence, ruling that he was improperly convicted of back-to-back prison terms, according to The Register-Guard.

During the initial trial, both Luers and Marshall maintained that they were environmental anarchists - freedom fighters for Mother Earth. At his trial, Luers attempted to explain his actions: "I did this because I'm frustrated that we are doing irreversible damage to our planet - our home." He would later say that he didn't want to "justify" his actions, apparently unaware that he had attempted to do just that.

For the past six years, Luers has spent his time trying to justify his actions. He clearly relishes his time as a "political prisoner," writing the sort of navel-gazing, angst-ridden dispatches: "They crammed these beliefs/down my throat/From the day I was born/until the day/I choked," writes Luers in a very bad poem. Luers has a lot to say, all of it posted on his Web site, each post more precious than the last.

The activist community of Eugene contends that Luers is a political prisoner. He is not. He wants to be a martyr. He is not. He is, unfortunately, somebody who got caught up in an extremist movement that promotes property destruction and the sort of behavior that can lead to injuries or death. Regardless, mandatory sentences are generally disproportionate, and this case is no exception. They exist to take away judicial discretion. They exist to be excessively punitive.

Oregonians do not have to support Luers or his cause to see that his sentence was excessive. He was given an opportunity to work with law enforcement officials and declined, leading to his 22-year sentence. But the state should not punish him for declining to cooperate with authorities, and his sentencing should have been left to the discretion of the courts, not wrongheaded laws.

Luers may be a model "activist" but he is not a model citizen. He is, nonetheless, a citizen and should be afforded his basic rights. Mandatory sentencing takes away our rights as citizens, as it unnecessarily interferes with the way the courts operate. You do not have to like Luers, his poetry or his demeanor to understand that.

Jailed 'eco-terrorist' a hit with ecology students Ex-'Most Wanted' is activist hero in B.C. classroom


SID TAFLER

Special to The Globe and Mail

VICTORIA -- To the Federal Bureau of Investigation in the United States, Tre Arrow is an eco-terrorist. He was on the FBI's Most Wanted list, accused of firebombing and burning logging and gravel trucks in Oregon that caused $250,000 in damage.

But to the children at the Oak and Orca Bioregional School in Victoria, he is a political prisoner and an activist hero.

Mr. Arrow fled to Canada in 2002. He was arrested nearly three years ago and has been in jail in British Columbia while the extradition process winds its way through the legal system.

At the Deep Ecology workshop at the alternative school in an aging house overlooking the city, Mr. Arrow's life of high drama and intrigue is an integral part of the curriculum.

On several occasions, through a telephone call and a speaker phone, he has been a guest lecturer in the class from behind the locked gates and barbed wire at the Vancouver Island Regional Correctional Centre.

On a bright midwinter afternoon recently, the eight children in this mixed-aged class of nine- to 13-year-olds joined in spirited discussion about Mr. Arrow.

"Why are we talking to Tre?" asked teacher Morgan Obendorfer, 28.

"Because he's not guilty."

"Because capitalism owns democracy."

"Because he's going to be strung up if he's sent back to the U.S."

"It'll be a show trial, he'll have three seconds to make his defence."

Like many children their age, some of these students talk out of turn, push each other, or engage in other disruptive behaviour.

They are frequently told to behave, stay on topic and pay attention.

The excitement in the class rose as they gathered around a wooden chair with a phone on the seat and a picture of a smiling, bearded Tre Arrow taped to the back.

"Why is it powerful for a group of kids to be talking to a political prisoner?" Mr. Obendorfer asked.

"Because kids have power."

"Because we're cute and adorable."

"Because kids can't go to jail, they're too young."

A few minutes later, the phone rang and Mr. Arrow's call was amplified to through the speaker phone. He greeted the teacher, who visited him in jail the day before, and asked for all the pupils' names. Then something remarkable happened.

Mr. Arrow spoke for 24 minutes non-stop about his life and work as an environmental activist without a single interruption from the children, who appeared to listen intently despite a weak connection that caused frequent breaks in the monologue.

He described his commitment and "calling" to the environmental movement. "I needed to help expose the damage being done to our Mother Earth. We only have one home, we can't jump to another planet if we destroy this one."

He talked of becoming a tree-sitter at Eagle Creek in Oregon to prevent the logging of an old-growth forest, and of deciding, during a protest in Portland, to climb to a 23-centimetre ledge on a U.S. Forest Service office building, where he stayed for 11 days.

Born Michael Scarpitti, he told the children the decision to change his name to Tre Arrow "came from the spirit of the trees as a gift from my ancestors."

He also told of running for Congress as a Pacific Green Party candidate in 2000, getting more than 15,000 votes in a bid for Oregon's Third Congressional District.

"We had lots of media attention and public support and we ended up getting the Eagle Creek logging sale cancelled."

He said he fled to Canada and lived under an assumed name because he was convinced he couldn't get a fair trial in the United States. And he denied involvement in the arson and firebombing, contending others involved implicated him in return for reduced sentences.

"They're trying to silence me and keep me locked up in a cage for the rest of my life."

He said he was arrested in Canada in 2004, but left out one important detail -- he was picked up in a Victoria store trying to shoplift a pair of bolt-cutters he later said would be used to break into locked dumpsters to scavenge food for the poor.

Last May, Vic Toews, then the federal justice minister, ordered Mr. Arrow extradited to face charges in the United States. Mr. Arrow's lawyers have launched an appeal in the B.C. Court of Appeal, which is expected to be heard in April.

Mr. Arrow has also applied for bail and for refugee status in Canada. The class at Oak and Orca is only one part of his support network in Canada and the United States, which has raised $350,000 in bail sureties.

When the call ended, the students were asked to discuss what they had heard.

"It was very cool to talk to him again."

"It was really inspiring about what he said about his spiritual name."

Then Mr. Obendorfer summed up: "It's pretty paradoxical that someone who cares so much about the earth is locked away in a little cage. Maybe we can make something positive of this. Maybe one day we can bring him here for Deep Ecology."

Benefit Show for Jaan Laaman And Daniel McGowan - March3


Political Prisoner Benefit:

for Jaan Lamaan (http://abcf.net/prisoners/jaan.htm)
Daniel McGowan (http://www.supportdaniel.org)

From anti-colonial resisters to victims of the green
scare, political prisoners have been incarcerated for
their part in liberation movements. Now more than
ever, it is critical that we challenge the legitimacy
of the imprisonment of these prisoners.

This event will raise funds for current political
prisoner Jaan Lamaan and soon to be political prisoner
Daniel McGowan.

There will be education about other less known
political prisoners from various communities.

When: Saturday March 3rd 2pm - 7pm

Where: Southern California Library for Social Research
6120 S. Vermont Avenue
Los Angeles 90044

Artists:

Mark Gonzales (spoken word)
Sadiki Bakari (Nappy Tongue Vanguard)
Ragtop [of the Philistines (hip-hop)]
Excentrik (hip-hop)
Sherman Austin (hip-hop)
Canoe
Destruction Made Simple (LA hardcore/punk)

Speakers:
Mo Nishida (Asians for Jericho)
Lawrence Reyes (Puerto Rican Alliance)
Buddy Hogan (supporter of Omaha 2)
Marisa Sposaro (Anarchist Black Cross Federation)
Kevin D'Amato (support for Daniel McGowan)
A speaker on behalf of the Black Panther 8

We're asking for a donation of $5-10 (or as much as
little as you can) at the door)

For more info contact: la@abcf.net

Sunday, February 18, 2007

Take action for Chip Fitzgerald


Romaine (Chip) Fitzgerald has a parole hearing set for
March 29, 2007. We are calling on all supporters of
political prisoners to act on Chip's behalf. His
support group is asking for letters to be sent to his
attorney requesting the Department of Prison Terms
(DPT) to grant Chip's parole. These letters will be
delivered to the DPT by his attorney.

His attorney's address can be found at:
http://www.abcf.net/la/laabcf.asp?page=lachip3

For those unaware of Chip's case, he has the 'dubious
distinction' of being the longest held political
prisoner in the United States. Held since 1969, his
arrest and conviction occurred during the same period
as the frame up of Geronimo Pratt. Both men were
members of the Los Angeles chapter of the Black
Panther Party, which at the time was under siege by
the Los Angeles Police Department.

Like Pratt, Chip has been accused of a crime that he
did not commit (the killing of security guard, Barge
Miller.) Geronimo was released after serving 27 years
when it became known that the FBI kept information
away from Geronimo's defense attorneys that proved his
innocence; Fitzgerald has yet to see the same justice.

It is believed that Chip was set up for the murder of
Barge Miller due of his involvement in a shootout with
the California Highway Patrol (CHP). This shootout
left both Chip and one CHP officer injured. Later, the
CHP officer admitted the police had orders to shoot
members of the Black Panther Party. It is clear that
Chip acted in self-defense. The shooting of Barge
Miller took place while Chip was recovering from a
gunshot wound to the head- just three weeks after the
CHP incident. He was only made aware of the killing of
Miller and the charges against him after he was
finally arrested for the altercation with the CHP
officer.

Chip was convicted for both incidents and is currently
serving two life sentences- one conviction for an act
of self-defense- another conviction for a crime he is
innocent of.

In 1998, Chip suffered a massive stroke and over the
years has been denied proper medical care for the
stroke and a degenerative spinal condition.

He is scheduled to re-appear before the Board of
Prison Terms on March 29, 2007. We are calling on all
supporters of Romaine (Chip) Fitzgerald and other
political prisoners to write the Board of Prison
Terms, requesting them to grant Fitzgerald's parole.

More information on Chip, can be found at:
http://www.abcf.net/la/laabcf.asp?page=lachip1

Saturday, February 17, 2007

Report on the 14th Annual NW Peltier March

Some good photos of the rally were posted on Seattle Indymedia, the article has some information wrong.

http://www.seattle.indymedia.org/en/2007/02/257659.shtml


The weather was nice good to us this year. At the start of the march Elder Keith Johnson (Keith has been a long time supporter and has been at most of our Annual Marches since 1994, he is now moving to Denver. We will miss him and we wish to thank him, it has been an honor to know him) opened things up and then Robert Robideau, Co-Director of the LPDC and Co-Defendant spoke some words to the marchers and after that the drum group Red Thunder from Bellecourt North Dakota, Turtle Mountain Anishanabe reservation did an honor song. Then Tom McCarthy spoke a little bit about the giant puppets that would be a part of the march.

Then with the security team in place and local drummers leading the march, over 400 people marched for justice for Leonard Peltier.

At the courthouse our MC Matilaja opened the rally up. Tom Davis from Bellecourt, North Dakota, Turtle Mountain Anishanabe reservation did the spiritual opening. Then a honor song from drum group Red Thunder from Bellecourt North Dakota, Turtle Mountain Anishanabe reservation. Then Robert Robideau spoke:

Some of what Robert Robideau, Co-Director of the Leonard Peltier Defense Committee: had to say.

“People are dying around you because of police brutality, because of the ... hunger for oil by the Bush administration. We have to wake up and we have to teach each other how to communicate to wake others up. This is our responsibility to each other as human beings.

Leonard Peltier represents the injustice this country has done against native people. And has continued to do. We need to teach each other the reality of these injustices... Leonard Peltier, who has served 31 years in prison for an alleged offense of killing two FBI agents. The United States government has admitted in open court they do not know who killed these agents. That is not the reality of what this is all about. This is about the need for the United States government to cover up their own actions against native people during that period of time which we call the reign of terror.

[It was a time] when the United States government, a colonial police force, entered our lands and were responsible for over 60 homicides and 300 assaults. And were responsible again [for] the... taking away of more land. One eighth of the Pine Ridge reservation was handled over to the government during this same time.

We have a right to defend our land. We have a right to defend our freedoms, whatever they may be. Do not allow them [the United States government] to criminalize your rights“.

Next to speak was David Duenas, Puyallup and son of Roque Duenas. Then long time Native struggle’s veteran Chuck Conway. Then Fred Charles a member of the Lower Elwha band of S'Klallams from up near Port Angeles spoke about Joe Stuntz Killsright who was from the Lower Elwha band and died on the day of the firefight. Then Gloria Hunt spoke about her brother who was an AIM member. Then Kelly White spoke. Then Bill Bichsel of Tacoma Catholic Worker. And the Juan Jose Bocanegra of Seattle JWJ. Then Albert Combs and local drummers, Then Frank Reynolds of the Native Coalition. Then Arthur J. Miller and Steve Hapy of the Tacoma LPSG. Then Shelly Vendiola of the Indigenous Women’s Network. Then long time activist and Puyallup tribal member Ramona Bennett. And the last speaker was Zoltan Grossmen of OMJP. Then Albert Combs and local drummers closed the rally.

We have received reports of police harassment. The cops harassed Ramona Bennett. One report from a Native person who tried to get to the rally with his Mom and his little nieces and nephews but the police blocked their way telling them that there were too many people at the rally already. the cops continued to block their way even after being told they included speakers for the rally. Another Native person was told to remove his Puyallup Tribal Canoe Family bandana. The cops told him that if he didn't take it off that they would arrest him. This Native brother is not afraid of the police but he didn't want to loose his job so he stepped away from the wall so he could reach up and untie the bandana. The police took it as a threatening move and one cop started to reach for his tazor. The Native brother saw him reaching and stopped moving telling the cop “ok ok, I'm not moving”.

We are looking into other reports of police harassment. If you witnessed or were a subject of police harassment please let us know.

We had one person try to disrupt our rally. He first demanded to speak at the rally and latter because he did not like what a Native woman had said he started yelling and would not shutup up for a while. Was he an agent provocateur? Maybe. But on the chance that he just disagreed with what the Native woman had to say, let me speak to that. The Annual NW Leonard Peltier event is a community event. We try to have as many people from the Native community speak as possible. Though they all support Leonard, it must be understood that the Native community is not a political organization with a correct line. Like every community there are people with different viewpoints and folks should respect their right to express themselves without being harassed by white folks.

A few more interesting side notes. Back in 2004 Democratic Party activists try to get us to cancel our annual march and rally that year because they believed it would interfere with their party functions going on that morning. That was also the year that we won our lawsuit against the City of Tacoma and the police had a massive cop turnout with even two SWAT Teams to try to intimidate us. Those Democratic Party activists called us all kinds of names and even said we were working for Bush. We did not place our annual event on the day of their functions on purpose, but after getting our information for three months we were not going to call off our event. Heck our event took place after their functions took place. Well this year the some of the peace democrats held a “townhall meeting” dealing with the war in Iraq in Tacoma at the same time as our rally was taking place. They did this even though they knew the date of our annual march and rally back in October. As I was putting banners in my car a man came up to me and asked me where I was going. I did not answer him and then he said “You are going to the Leonard Peltier March?” And he then said he was going to the town meeting. So those nice liberal folks knew damn well what they were doing. We have never asked for anything more than one day a year. But to some of the Democratic Party peace liberals they cannot respect that. Well their event had around 100 people whereas ours had over 400. Their event made it into the local daily paper, ours did not, the local daily paper has not covered our event in 14 years.. I guess you could call this the “Great White Way”.

Again the police and the mass media showed us that we still have a long ways to go in our resistance to racism and repression. Had people trying to get to a peace march had been blocked like the Native folks trying to get to the Peltier rally; there would be all kinds of uproar. But let it be known, we do demand our right to voice our views without the City of Tacoma harassing us and we will not back down from standing up for our rights. The government says that it will not release somewhere around 140,000 pages of documents on Leonard’s case due to national security. We say that it is our national security that is threatens by the government’s cover-up in Leonard’s case and with what happen at Pine Ridge. Though the government has its war in Iraq that it calls a war for national security and freedom, it is not the people in Iraq that have imposed upon our freedom and security at our Feb. 10th NW Leonard Peltier March and Rally, it was the City of Tacoma that did that as it has done the same in many years of the past.

In Solidarity

Arthur J. Miller

Co-Coordinator, Tacoma LPSG

Report from the February 10th Leonard Peltier March and Rally

author: Photographs by Elliot Stoller
Feb 11, 2007 20:49

February 2, 2007 marked the 31st anniversary of Leonard Peltier's illegal extradition to the United States from Canada using coerced and fraudulent testimony. This was the beginning of his odyssey that resulted in his false conviction for the June 1975 murder of two FBI agents on the Pine Ridge Reservation in Fargo, North Dakota 1977.

On February 10th, supporters from around the Pacific Northwest joined together for a march, demanding freedom for Leonard Peltier.

February 10, 2006

Matilaja - Master of Ceremonies

Matilaja - Master of Ceremonies

Bill Bischel

Bill Bischel


Arthur J. Miller - Tacoma Leonard Peltier Support Group:

There is a spirit among all people. There is a spirit among the human race. We can only take so much. We can only take so much from these people and we start to fight back. And I don't care about their money and their guns. The purpose of political repression is to stop the struggle. And if we stop struggling, if we stop our culture, our ways, our education to our young, then they win.

[The government is] still holding 140,00 pages [on Leonard Peltier]. That is number that is hard to fathom, that many pages. Why? They say it's in the national interest. [They say Leonard Peltier] is a threat to national security... Well, the thing we need you to do is go home and talk to your friends, your unions, your churches, your tribe, whomever you can talk to and tell them what they are doing to Leonard Peltier is a threat to OUR national security. And we need a homeland security struggle to free Leonard Peltier and kick Bush the hell out of there.

Arthur J. Miller


Robert Robideau

Robert Robideau, Co-director of the Leonard Peltier Defense Committee:

People are dying around you because of police brutality, because of the ... hunger for oil by the Bush administration. We have to wake up and we have to teach each other how to communicate to wake others up. This is our responsibility to each other as human beings.

Leonard Peltier represents the injustice this country has done against native people. And has continued to do. We need to teach each other the reality of these injustices... Leonard Peltier, who has served 31 years in prison for an alleged offense of killing two FBI agents. The United States government has admitted in open court they do not know who killed these agents. That is not the reality of what this is all about. This is about the need for the United States government to cover up their own actions against native people during that period of time which we call the reign of terror.

[It was a time] when the United States government, a colonial police force, entered our lands and were responsible for over 60 homicides and 300 assaults. And were responsible again [for] the... taking away of more land. One eighth of the Pine Ridge reservation was handled over to the government during this same time.

We have a right to defend our land. We have a right to defend our freedoms, whatever they may be. Do not allow them [the United States government] to criminalize your rights.


Chuck Conway

Chuck Conway

Kelly White

Kelly White









-------------------------------------------------------------
ADDITIONAL SUPPORT INFORMATION
-------------------------------------------------------------

VIDEO/PHOTOGRAPHS: The video of events are used by supporters around the country. If you have video or photographs, please send copies to:

Tacoma Leonard Peltier Support Group
P.O. BOX 5464
TACOMA, WA 98415-0464
bayou@blarg.net

For up-dates and notices on helping Leonard Peltier please sign up on the NW Peltier Support e-mail list by sending an e-mail to: nwpeltiersupport-subscribe@lists.riseup.net.
-------------------------------------------------------------
CONTACT INFORMATION
-------------------------------------------------------------
Leonard Peltier Defense Committee & Leonard Peltier Legal Team
Bob Robideau- Co-director LPDC Barry Bachrach
Toni Zeidan- Co-director LPDC Mike Kuzma

Email: info@leonardpeltier.net
Phone: 915-533-6655
Website: http://www.leonardpeltier.net/
Freedomwalk: http://www.freedomwalk.com/


Friday, February 16, 2007

Interview with Claude Marks about the San Francisco 8

Audio interview with Claude Marks of the Freedom Archives about the
San Francisco 8. Claude talks about the current charges, the context
of COINTELPRO targeting liberation groups in the 1960's and 70's, and
how people today can support the San Francisco 8 and stay informed.

Recorded Feb. 16, 2007 in San Francisco
Mp3 audio at 24k (2.1 mb) 12 Minutes and 12 seconds

http://indybay.org/uploads/2007/02/16/sf8.mp3


From Committee for the Defense of Human Rights:
http://cdhrsupport.org/index.html

Murder Charges Against Former Black Panthers Based on Confessions
Extracted by Torture

Eight former Black Panthers were arrested January 23rd in California,
New York and Florida on charges related to the 1971 killing of a San
Francisco police officer. Similar charges were thrown out after it
was revealed that police used torture to extract confessions when
some of these same men were arrested in New Orleans in 1973. Richard
Brown, Richard O'Neal, Ray Boudreaux, and Hank Jones were arrested in
California. Francisco Torres was arrested in Queens, New York. Harold
Taylor was arrested in Florida. Two men charged have been held as
political prisoners for over 30 years – Herman Bell and Jalil
Muntaqim are both in New York State prisons. A ninth man -- Ronald
Stanley Bridgeforth – is still being sought. The men were charged
with the murder of Sgt. John Young and conspiracy that encompasses
numerous acts between 1968 and 1973.

Harold Taylor and John Bowman (recently deceased) as well as Ruben
Scott (thought to be a government witness) were first charged in
1975. But a judge tossed out the charges, finding that Taylor and his
two co-defendants made confessions after police in New Orleans
tortured them for several days employing electric shock, cattle
prods, beatings, sensory deprivation, plastic bags and hot, wet
blankets for asphyxiation.

Peru leader quizzed over killings

Alan Garcia talks to journalists after the hearing
The killings happened during Mr Garcia's first term as president
Peruvian President Alan Garcia has denied political responsibility for the killing of dozens of prisoners during a jail riot more than two decades ago.

Over 100 suspected leftist guerrillas died at El Fronton island prison near the capital, Lima, after marines were sent to put down their uprising.

The killings happened in 1986, during Mr Garcia's first term in office.

Mr Garcia, who was elected president for a second time in July 2006, has already been cleared of any wrongdoing.

In 2004 Peru's highest court ordered a judicial investigation into the killings that took place when Peruvian security forces stormed the prison on 19 July 1986.

Mr Garcia, appearing as a witness, told the hearing he did not have any knowledge of the operation at the time.

"I think it's an issue that is almost 21 years old and about which I have already given evidence 19 times and for which I have been exonerated numerous times," he told journalists after his testimony.

But a lawyer for the victims' families, Carlos Rivera, said evidence showed that political and legal responsibility for the inmates' deaths lay with Mr Garcia and other top officials.

And, says the BBC's Dan Collyns in Lima, some of the military chiefs involved in the operation say the president was given regular updates on the events at the prison.

The killings came during a period in which Mr Garcia was facing a brutal insurgency led by the Maoist Shining Path rebel group.

Inmates, California officials warn prisons crowded

By Adam Tanner Thu Feb 15, 2007

IONE, California (Reuters) - Convicted murderer Greg Rollo knows the
brutality of life behind bars after 31 years in a prison. But he says
life has grown much worse since he was moved to a triple-bunk bed in
an open gym with 199 others.

California inmates, officials and courts are all sounding warnings
that prison overcrowding poses a growing danger and is undermining
California's stated objective of rehabilitating inmates after they
have served their time.

"The majority of these guys are getting out; they are going to be in
your neighborhood," said Rollo, 54, who admits to committing "a
terrible crime" but believes overcrowding will only make inmates more
hostile. "Do you want less crime or do you want retribution against
criminals?"

Jake Serna, 48, another inmate, interjected, "Isn't it a crime for
them to house us like a bunch of animals?"

As the most populous U.S. state, California has a particularly
pressing problem and its response is being closely watched.

A report by Pew Charitable Trusts on Wednesday estimated the United
States faces costs of up to $27.5 billion to handle its growing
prison population over the next five years.

At California's Mule Creek State Prison, where Rollo is incarcerated,
an inmate is raped every few months and many others are assaulted,
according to both guards and prisoners.

Prisoners often bemoan their fate. What is unusual in California is
that complaints about overcrowding are coming from both sides of the
prison bars.

"We have 172,000 prisoners in facilities designed to hold about 100,000," Gov.
Arnold Schwarzenegger said last month.

"Our prison system is a powder keg. It poses a danger to the
prisoners, a danger to officers, and a danger to the well-being of
the public if ... we are forced to release prisoners because of
overcrowding."

Residents of Ione say that excess waste water going into the prison
treatment system has even polluted local wells.

PANTS FOR A FAT MAN?

Mule Creek prison, about 110 miles northeast of San Francisco, has 15
housing units surrounded by an octagonal electrified fence and a
capacity of 3,000 prisoners. It holds 3,942 inmates.

"This is not conducive to good mental health and rehabilitation,"
said Glenn Hanes, 35, one of the inmates housed on a triple bunk bed.

"A system that has over a 70 percent recidivism rate is a failure,"
said Hanes, an intense, well-spoken man who is serving a
15-year-to-life sentence for second-degree murder. "Building new
prisons is like getting a fat man new pants."

Republican Schwarzenegger wants to add tens of thousands of prison
beds and ship some inmates out of California. And state officials are
studying ways to reduce the prison population after years of tough
sentencing, including a "three strikes" policy for repeat offenders.

"I'm in prison for the rest of my life for the possession of 11 grams
of marijuana," said Dennis Howie, 53, a heavily tattooed prisoner
with three prior robbery convictions.

At Mule Creek, 800 men sleep on the triple bunks in public areas and
share toilets. Some consider themselves lucky to be locked in narrow
cells with just another inmate and toilet.

Daniel Carpenter, 48, convicted of molesting a minor, complained he
has been assaulted even in his double cell. In the brutal pecking
order of prison life, child molesters are seen as the lowest of the
low.

"If not for the overcrowding, I'd be in a single cell," he said
during a visit to the prison library. "This is cruel and inhuman."

California already spends an average of $90 per day to house inmates,
so more money for prisons is controversial. Many voters are skeptical
about improving the lot of criminals.

Among the prisoners at Mule Creek is Charles "Tex" Watson, Charles
Manson's top lieutenant, serving a life sentence for murder. He sat
quietly in the yard.

Another is Lyle Menendez, who with his brother, killed his wealthy
Beverly Hills parents.

"We know you guys out there see us as monsters," said convicted
murderer Lance Wright, 43. "I know its difficult for society to open
their arms."

Warden Rich Subia argues that overcrowding keeps him from providing
better rehabilitation training, which he believes will ultimately
benefit society far beyond the prison walls.

"I'm not providing them with effective programs," he said. "Do you
want them back more productive or do you want them worse than when
you sent them to me?"

Thursday, February 15, 2007

Brigitte Mohnhaupt - RAF member to be freed after 24 years


× Brigitte Mohnhaupt is not a security risk, court rules
× Families of gang's victims angry at killer's release
Kate Connolly in Berlin

Tuesday February 13, 2007
The Guardian

Two police photographs of Brigitte Mohnhaupt, who has spent 24 years in prison for her involvement in nine murders. Photographs: AP/EPA

A former leader of the Baader Meinhof gang that terrorized West Germany in the 1970s and 80s is to be freed from prison after 24 years following a court ruling yesterday.

Brigitte Mohnhaupt, 57, who is serving five life sentences plus 15 years for her role in the murders of several prominent Germans, including a banker, a prosecutor and an industrialist, will be freed on five years' probation next month.

In its ruling, made public on its website, the Stuttgart state court said: "This is not a pardon, rather a decision based on specific legal considerations. The decision ... was reached based on the determination that no security risk exists."

The decision was condemned by the families of Mohnhaupt's victims, particularly because she had shown no remorse.

"I regard this as a perversion of justice," said Dirk Schleyer, 54, whose father Hanns Martin Schleyer, a former Nazi and head of the employers' federation, was held hostage by the gang under Mohnhaupt's leadership in 1977 before being killed in cold blood in a French forest. His body was later found dumped in a car boot.

Mr Schleyer said he feared Mohnhaupt's release meant it would never now be possible to establish who shot his father.

The court ruling was also condemned by Konrad Freiberg, the head of Germany's police union, which lost 10 officers in killings by the gang, also known as the Red Army Faction (RAF). "We will not forget these murders. A feeling of bitterness remains," he said.

Mohnhaupt was a leader of the "second generation" of the RAF. She took over after its founders, Andreas Baader and Ulrike Meinhof, committed suicide in prison. She played a key role in the wave of terror in 1977 known as the "German autumn", when Germans whom they held responsible for pursuing Germany's economic success at the expense of dealing with its Nazi past, were kidnapped and killed.

She was involved in the 1981 attempted murder of US General Frederick Kroesen, the commander of American forces in Europe, and his wife in a rocket propelled grenade attack on his car. She also presented flowers to a bank executive before shooting him dead. The gang killed 34 people before it was disbanded in 1998.

Mohnhaupt will probably have to change her looks and identity upon release at the end of next month. Most of the more than 20 terrorists who have been freed have been socially rehabilitated. Most work under assumed identities. Mohnhaupt was an artist before the gang became her life and was said to be contemplating a return to painting. She has never given an interview and has never asked for a pardon.

President Horst Köhler is contemplating a pardon for Christian Klar, another gang member who has served 24 years after being given nine life sentences. Two other former RAF terrorists remain in jail.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/germany/article/0,,2011815,00.html
*****************************************************************************
*German Court Frees Leader of Terror Group
By JUDY DEMPSEY
Published: February 13, 2007 The New York Times

BERLIN, Feb. 12 ­ A German court on Monday ordered the release of Brigitte Mohnhaupt, a leader of the terrorist Red Army Faction, who has been imprisoned for 24 years for kidnappings and murders in the 1970s.

The decision set off sharp protests, led by the German police union, but was welcomed by several political parties, including the Social Democrats and the Free Democrats.

Konrad Freiberg, the chairman of the police union, said the court’s decision to free Ms. Mohnhaupt on March 27 “left a bitter taste,” adding that the murders would never be forgotten. Günther Beckstein, Bavaria’s interior minister, also criticized the court, noting that Ms. Mohnhaupt had shown no signs of regret.

Ms. Mohnhaupt was a leader of the Red Army Faction, also known as the Baader Meinhof gang for its founders, Andreas Baader and Ulrike Meinhof. It began with the 1968 student protest movement but evolved into an armed struggle against capitalism. Its activities included bank robberies, bombings of government buildings and United States military sites in Germany, kidnappings and assassinations.

She had petitioned for early release, but the court, in the southern German city of Stuttgart, stressed Monday that she was not receiving a pardon. “Rather, it is a decision that is based on specific legal considerations,” the court said in a statement. “The decision for probation was reached based on the determination that no security risk exists.”

Ms. Mohnhaupt, 57, was given five life sentences plus 15 years in 1985 for her involvement in the 1977 murders of Hanns Martin Schleyer, a leading industrialist, Jürgen Ponto, chairman of Dresdner Bank, and Siegfried Buback, a federal prosecutor, and in several kidnappings and bank robberies. In all, the Red Army Faction murdered 34 people beginning in the early 1970s. It disbanded in 1998, several years after renouncing violence.


Dirk Schleyer, Hanns Martin Schleyer’s son, said the court’s decision “was a perversion of justice.”

But several former ministers who had been in government during the group’s wave of violence praised the decision. Gerhart Baum, the interior minister between 1978 and 1982 and a member of the opposition Free Democrats, said, “A state based on the rule of law is mature enough to give a perspective of freedom to one who has been given a life sentence.”

Born into a comfortable bourgeois family in June 1949, Ms. Mohnhaupt studied English and history at Munich University. There, she joined a commune, participated in student protests and later joined the Red Army Faction.

Her pending release increased speculation on Monday about the fate of another Red Army Faction member, Christian Klar.

Mr. Klar, 54, wrote to President Horst Köhler last year seeking a pardon.

Under normal circumstances, Mr. Klar, who has also served 24 years, would be scheduled for parole in two years.

Mr. Köhler is not expected to make a decision for several months, according to his office.

http://www.nytimes.com/2007/02/13/world/europe/13germany.html?_r=1&oref=slogin

Oregon appeals court orders shorter sentence for SUV arsonist


2/14/2007 Oregon Live
By JEFF BARNARD
The Associated Press

GRANTS PASS, Ore. (AP) — The Oregon Court of Appeals on Wednesday ordered a shorter sentence for a man serving 23 years in prison after admitting he set fire to three sport utility vehicles to protest the contributions of gas-guzzling vehicles to global warming.

The appeals court sent the case of Jeff Luers of Eugene back to Lane County District Court for resentencing, saying the trial judge erred by imposing sentences on the arson and attempted arson counts consecutively, rather than merging them together.
Luers was convicted in June 2001 after he admitted setting an early morning fire at a Eugene car dealership in June 2000 that destroyed a pickup truck and damaged two other trucks. He did not admit to putting an incendiary device on an oil delivery truck in Eugene, but was convicted in that case, too, and sent to the Oregon State Penitentiary.
Luers' sentence gained widespread attention, with groups around the country raising money to help him. The city of Eugene's Human Rights Commission wrote a letter urging his sentence be reduced, noting similar crimes "have not been met with such harsh sentences."
His co-defendant in the case was sentenced to five years after agreeing to plead guilty.
Chief Deputy District Attorney Alex Gardner said the prosecution has not decided whether to appeal the ruling to the Oregon Supreme Court, but felt there were past rulings that would support that course.

A revised sentence under the Court of Appeals ruling could range from 11 years, four months to 13 years, two months, he added. Defense attorney Brian Barnes did not immediately respond to a message left at his office.

A self-proclaimed anarchist, Luers has denied being a member of the radical Earth Liberation Front, but acknowledged supporting the group's goals and tactics.
In recent months, 12 other people have pleaded guilty to federal charges they were part of an Earth Liberation Front cell based in Eugene that was responsible for 20 arsons around the West from 1996 to 2001. Sentencing in those cases is expected this spring, with prosecutors recommending terms of five to 15 years.

US prison population to add 200,000 convicts by 2011: study

Feb. 14, 2007

WASHINGTON (AFP) - The US prison population ballooned eight-fold
between 1970 and 2005 and will grow by an additional 192,000 convicts
by 2011, according to a new study.

The report by the Pew Charitable Trusts said one in 178 US residents
will live in prison by 2011 and the increase could cost American
taxpayers another 27.5 billion dollars over the next five years in
jail spending.

"After a 700-percent increase in the US prison population between
1970 and 2005, you'd think the nation would finally have run out of
lawbreakers to put behind bars," said the report by Pew's Public
Safety Performance Project.

But figures provided by US states show that 1.7 million people will
be behind bars in 2011, a 13 percent increase that is three times the
growth rate of the US population, the study said.

The Pew data does not include local prisons, whose population in 2005
was nearly 750,000, bringing the total US prison population to 2.2
million people, the largest in the world.

The jail growth will cost states another 15 billion dollars for
prison operations and an additional 12.5 billion dollars to build new
prisons.

San Francisco 8 strong in court appearance today

by Claude Marks

Wednesday, February 14

In a significant showing of support, family and friends of four of the San Francisco 8 packed the San Francisco courtroom of Judge Little. Many people were unable to actually get in. As the four, Ray Boudreaux, Richard Brown, Hank Jones and Richard O'Neal, were brought into the courtroom in shackles, supporters burst into applause. The large showing of Sheriffs and SWAT officers cleared the courtroom. People gathered in the hallway outside Department 12 chanting "No justice, no peace." Defense attorneys objected to closing a public hearing and the Judge agreed to let people back into court if they agreed to not be noisy, but only after every individual was again searched by Sheriffs and was wanded with metal detectors.


Unlike their previous court appearances since the arrests in January, the men were shackled in court as close to a dozen sheriffs’ deputies and SWAT officers were inside the courtroom. The hearing opened with defense attorneys arguing for reduced security at the courthouse and the unshackling of the brothers as "they represent no threat to the court or the public." It was pointed out that they had appeared voluntarily and without need of such extensive police presence during the 2005 San Francisco Grand Jury, and that the shackling and heavy security were prejudicial - especially feeding the sensationalist coverage of the corporate media. The court agreed to hear security issues in a future meeting with the Sherriff and lawyers.

None of the men have yet entered please in the conspiracy and murder case stemming from the killing of a SF police Officer at the Ingleside Police Station in August of 1971.

Although there has yet to be a formal Bail Hearing, Judge Little did lower the outrageous bail for Ray Boudreaux and Hank Jones from $5 million to $3 million (still outrageous), the same as was set for Richard Brown and Richard O'Neal. A formal Bail Hearing as well as other motions were scheduled for Tuesday, March 13th.

“Today’s court appearance was significant in a number of ways,” according to Attorney Stuart Hanlon. “The strong public support for the four men in court was a powerful reminder that these men are part of their communities and are not criminals. The Attorney Generals’ comments made clear that they (the State Prosecutors) want to keep these men in jail on high bail and that they will make excuses to explain the 35-year delay in bringing this case. It was made clear to us that this is the beginning skirmish of a legal war with high stakes - the freedom of these eight former Panthers and the rewriting of political history by the government criminalizing the Black Panther Party and African American freedom fighters from the sixties and seventies. It is a war we will win and that we have to win. And it is a war where the support of the community, in and out of court, is crucial.”

The brothers seemed strong and in good spirits.

_______________________________________________
Committee for the Defense of Human Rights (CDHR)
PO Box 90221
Pasadena, CA 91109
(626) 345-4939

Deadline for Daniel McGowan letters has been extended to March 2, 2007

Dear Friends,

We are happy to announce that the deadline for letters to the Judge has been extended for the last time to March 2, 2007. The reason for this is that Daniel's sentencing will be postponed for about one month and we want to take advantage of that extra time. We are sorry if you were scrambling at the last moment to send in your letter and want to encourage you to still send them in as early as possible. Although the sentencing is in May, we have to submit the letters along with large briefs a long time in advance. The earlier we have them, the better.

We also want to thank the more than 100 people that have already written letters. It has been inspiring and very hopeful to see the beautiful letters that have been written in Daniel's defense.

As always, feel free to send us questions about the letter. The most common question is "does it make sense to write one/does mine count". Yes, indeed it does. Broad community support for Daniel and rational arguments about his sentence is part of the bigger picture and an important one. Please keep those letters coming and if you wrote one, ask a friend or two.

Have a heart! Write a letter for Daniel.

***New deadline is March 2, 2007***

Guidelines and where to send the letter is below.
Thank you so much for your energy and solidarity!

Family and Friends of Daniel McGowan

====

Guidelines for Letters to Judge Aiken in Support of Daniel McGowan

Daniel McGowan will be sentenced by Judge Ann Aiken sometime in the Spring. Daniel’s lawyers will submit a detailed memorandum prior to sentencing, along with letters from family members, friends, colleagues, and other supporters. Please refer to these guidelines if you are writing a letter to Judge Aiken on Daniel’s behalf. Send it to his lawyers at the address below.

Examples of Things to Write About – Choose Only What is Right for You

* How you met Daniel and how you know him (through school, work, mutual friends, prisoner support work, etc.); how long you have known Daniel.

* What you know about Daniel’s character, his reputation in the community; personal experiences you have had with him that illustrate important aspects of his character.

* What you know about Daniel’s relationship with his family, his wife, and his close friends – the people who will be his personal support when he is in prison and when he is released. Describe for the judge how these people will assist him through these difficult times.

* How you personally will be able to help Daniel get back to a normal life when he is released from prison, whether it is through helping him to pursue his education, remain employed, or establish a home.

* Examples, from your personal knowledge, of what Daniel has done in his life to help others, whether it is through activist work, charitable work, work for non-profit organizations, or personally helping you or someone you know with something. Specific examples of Daniel’s contributions to charitable, community, and non-profit organizations are helpful.

* Examples, from your personal knowledge, of how Daniel demonstrates what he believes in, whether it is by arranging Really, Really Free Markets, collecting electronic gear to recycle, or volunteering for causes he supports.

* The Judge may consider whether Daniel is likely to commit another crime. If you have specific reasons to share with the Judge to demonstrate why you believe that Daniel is unlikely to commit another crime, please explain those in your letter.

* The Judge may consider whether Daniel has shown that, after the crimes were committed, his conduct demonstrated rehabilitation. If you have specific examples of his conduct, between July of 2001 and December 2005 that you feel the Judge should know about that show Daniel has engaged in significant rehabilitation from the time he committed the crimes, please explain those in your letter.

* The Judge may consider whether to sentence Daniel as a “terrorist” under certain provisions of federal law and sentencing guidelines. While this is largely a technical legal issue that the lawyers will write about, you may wish to write to the Judge about how Daniel’s case compares to other crimes and incidents that you are personally aware of that either have or have not been treated as “terrorist” incidents.

There may be other things you may wish to say to the judge as well. Our suggestions are just that – suggestions. Please make sure you write in a polite, respectful manner to the Judge.

What Not to Write About
Some topics are simply not helpful subjects of discussion in a letter to the Court related to sentencing. We ask that you not justify or rationalize the incidents. We ask that you not compare Daniel to others who have entered pleas and who are also facing sentencing or to those who have not been arrested or are fugitives.

Address Your Letter To:
Judge Ann Aiken
U.S. District Court
Eugene, Oregon

MAIL YOUR LETTER TO:
Andrea Crabtree
Schroeter Goldmark & Bender
810 Third Avenue, Suite 500
Seattle, Washington 98104

Please, do NOT mail your letter to Judge Aiken. After you have signed the letter, MAIL IT TO THE LAWYERS' office. They will deliver all of the correspondence to the Judge at one time, along with other sentencing materials.

DEADLINE:
Please get letters to the lawyers no later than March 2, 2007.

Questions?
E-mail friendsofdanielmcg@yahoo.com or call Andrea Crabtree at 206-622-8000


Film: Legacy of Torture in Portland


Two women on different sides of the republican divide

Sunday Tribune
by Suzanne Breen
February 11, 2007

During the war, there was so much that united them. Peggy O'Hara and
Martina Anderson, two strong republican women from Derry, both paid a
heavy price for opposing British rule. O'Hara lost her son, Patsy, on
hunger-strike. Anderson lost her freedom: she spent 13 years in jail.

Now, in peace time, they are divided. Anderson is a strong supporter
of the Sinn Féin leadership. She endorses the Police Service of
Northern Ireland (PSNI) and forming a power-sharing government with
the DUP. O'Hara still believes in smashing Stormont, opposing
a "British police force" and asserting traditional republican
principles. Next month, both women go head-to-head in the Assembly
elections in Foyle.

"I'm standing for Patsy and his comrades in Derry, all the other wee
fellows who suffered or died at the hands of the Brits," says O'Hara,
the independent republican candidate. "Patsy has no voice now, so I
have to be his voice. He would never have approved of Stormont or the
PSNI.

"My sons were beaten black and blue by police. 'Self-inflicted' I was
told. When Patsy was 17, his face was burned with cigarettes at
Ballykelly. He grew a beard to hide the scars. They can change the
police's name and bring in more Catholics, but it's still imposing
British rule."

O'Hara, 76, is recovering from a stroke. While she will be out
canvassing, she will rely heavily on her election team – a coalition
of anti-Agreement republicans. She denies her age and ill-health are
detrimental: "I'm not looking for a political career. I'm standing
out of principle, not ego. Besides, Ian Paisley is four years older
than me!"

Anderson, 44, a former beauty queen, is going places. She's a cert to
be elected and will then be groomed to challenge Mark Durkan for his
Westminster seat, although success there seems unlikely. Once, she
would have wanted to blow up the House of Commons. She was part of
the IRA team behind the Brighton bomb at the 1984 Tory conference,
aiming to kill the Thatcher cabinet. They escaped but five people
died.

Now, she sees constitutional politics as the way forward. Signing up
to the PSNI and the criminal justice system would "remove another
pillar of the corrupt state from the enemy's hands", she told last
month's special ardfheis. "If war is the continuation of politics by
other means, then this is the reverse." Despite several requests to
speak to Anderson, Sinn Féin said she wasn't available for interview
to the Sunday Tribune.

In Peggy O'Hara's living-room is the gold crucifix Pope John Paul II
blessed and sent her son before he died. Patsy left it to his
parents, with a note thanking them "for the loving sacrifice and
support you have shown me". He was 23. A painting of Patsy, a member
of the Marxist INLA, hangs on his mother's walls – beside a dozen
pictures of Padre Pio, the Blessed Virgin, the Child of Prague, and
several popes.

O'Hara wasn't urging her three sons to war when trouble erupted in the
North. "Somebody told me my eldest, Sean Seamus, was marching outside
the Guildhall with a placard about civil rights. I went straight down
and asked him 'Who gave you that?' 'Fionnbarr O'Dochartaigh,' he
said. So I took the placard off him, went over to Fionnbarr, strung
it around his neck, and hit him with my umbrella."

She began attending civil rights' marches herself – just to keep an
eye on her boys. "What I saw changed me – peaceful protestors beaten
to the ground. I decided armed struggle was justified. I was proud my
sons joined up, I was proud of all the lads."

Patsy joined the Fianna at 13, and Sinn Féin the following year. At
14, he was shot in the leg by the British Army. At 16, he was
interned.

On release, he joined the INLA. The family home was raided regularly.
O'Hara took her own revenge: "No matter how early the police came,
4am or 5am, I'd put on the bacon and eggs. The police could smell the
lovely fry and my family would sit down to eat and the police
wouldn't get a bite."

Like Patsy O'Hara, Martina Anderson joined the IRA as a Bogside
teenager. Her father was a Protestant, her mother a staunch
republican. Their home, like the O'Haras', was regularly raided.
After any incident, they "expected the door to be booted in and
surrounded by British soldiers with guns," Anderson has said.

"It got to the stage that, in the mornings when the milk lorry would
come across the street, my mother would jump out of bed in the belief
it was a saracen." When it was a raid, her mother shouted a warning
to her daughters before the soldiers smashed the door: "That allowed
us to get out of bed and throw on dressing gowns and a pair of shoes
to make ourselves a wee bit more modest!"

At 18, Anderson was charged with possessing a firearm and intent to
cause an explosion. She jumped bail and crossed the Border: living in
a flat in Buncrana, Co Donegal, for several years before going to
bomb Britain.

Whenever O'Hara's sons were arrested, she'd head to the barracks in
Derry: "I brought Tony in custard and stewed apple because I didn't
want him eating police food. But I decided to mix in a few sleeping
tablets because there was only an oul board and no blankets in the
cells and I thought he'd need something to help him sleep.

"He didn't know what I'd done. After eating the food, he started to
feel funny during interrogation, very drowsy and detached. He thought
the police had added something to the water to help break him!"

In 1979, Patsy was sentenced to eight years for possessing a bomb.
O'Hara herself was arrested leaving Long Kesh. She was interrogated
for three days in Castlereagh about smuggling comms (communications)
from the prisoners. "I didn't even know what a comm was," she says.

O'Hara was dismayed when other mothers didn't take their sons off
hunger-strike as they neared death. "I told Patsy, 'I dont care about
Ireland or the world, I'm going to save you.'"

On day 55 of his hunger-strike, a photo of him – taken in jail –
appeared in the newspapers. "The screws tortured him physically and
psychologically for that. They moved him to Bobby Sands' old cell.
The message was 'you're going to die like Bobby'. Patsy went downhill
rapidly. He had a heart attack. He was unconscious but then he'd
drift back. He whispered to me, 'I'm sorry mammy, we didn't win. Let
the fight go on'."

O'Hara honoured his wish. "Watching him die was wild. I'd sit beside
him, moisten his lips, stroke his hair. I know every Derry mother
says the same about her son but my Patsy was gorgeous. He had lovely
dark eyes – in the end he couldn't see out of them. The day before he
died, the screws wouldn't let his father in. I asked to sit with Mrs
McCreesh (another hunger-striker' s mother) for company. They
refused. Sinn Féin has signed up to this prison system – disgraceful!
Many of the same screws from the hunger-strike are still in their
jobs."

Four years after Patsy O'Hara died, Martina Anderson was arrested with
Ella O'Dwyer and three male republicans. The women served 13 months
in the all-male Brixton prison where they were repeatedly strip-
searched. On their first day in the exercise yard, British male
prisoners shouted obscenities.

The trial judge called Anderson a "hard, cynical young woman". She was
sentenced to life imprisonment and moved to Durham jail. Initially,
there was 23-hour lock-up in punishment cells for challenging prison
rules.

"After about six months the governor called the two of us into his
office," Anderson has said. She claims that "he started to go on
about how he was in the jail where Frank Stagg had went on hunger
strike and he said, 'You know I don't care what you both do, I'll
send you home in boxes if I have to. You aren't going to come in here
and undermine my authority'."

In prison, Anderson secured a first-class honours degree in social
sciences. In 1989, she married Paul Kavanagh, an IRA prisoner also
jailed for bombing England. They were transferred back to the North
in 1994 and released under the terms of the Belfast Agreement in
1998. The peace process has benefited them.

The couple laughed at newspaper headlines which declared they'd never
honeymoon "until 2020". Andersons' friends say she can be "a bit too
serious but when Paul's around it's different, she's always smiling.
Even up at Stormont, they held hands and canoodled like teenagers".

Working in Sinn Féin's Stormont office, Anderson initially confided
doubts about being there, a friend says. However, these have since
been allayed. Sinn Féin appointed her 'head of the department for
unionist engagement'. Previously, she was head of 'the all-Ireland
agenda department'. Anderson has been scathing of the 'dissident'
alliance in Derry.

Back home, Peggy O'Hara fusses about her hair and make-up before the
Sunday Tribune photographer arrives: "I was always well turned out
going to the jail for Patsy. I'm not about to give up now."

Wednesday, February 14, 2007

Lawyers Guild Condemns Racist Arrests of Black Panthers

For Immediate Release February 13, 2007
Evidence Against Men Obtained Through Torture

San Francisco The National Lawyers Guild of the San Francisco Bay Area (NLGSF) condemns the arrests and prosecution of eight men believed to be former members of the Black Liberation Army as an attempt to validate political repression, retaliation and state torture. A court hearing is scheduled for February 14 at 9:00 a.m. at the Superior Court, 850 Bryant Street in San Francisco.

The alleged crime, the killing of San Francisco police officer John V. Young, took place nearly three decades ago. In purposely removing the trial from the context of its time, the prosecution seeks to capitalize on the change in public consciousness surrounding the Civil Rights and Black Power movements and cast the defendants as violent militants. “There has never been any reliable evidence connecting these men to the alleged crime, but times have changed and prosecutors may believe this is the best shot they have,” said Carlos Villarreal, Executive Director of the NLGSF. “At the time people were more aware of the violence committed by law enforcement against African Americans and radical political movements.”

The state is also attempting to deny its involvement in torturing several of the defendants. As Stuart Hanlon, the attorney for one of the defendants, emphasizes, “people have to understand this is actual torture with cattle prods by New Orleans policemen, where San Francisco policemen were sitting outside the room, obviously knowing what was going on to get information… torture doesn't lead to the truth. It leads to what the torturers want to hear.”

The Guild also sees the prosecution of these men as part of a renewed crackdown on activists that comes as law enforcement goes after environmental activists, animal rights activists, and real or perceived anarchists who rarely pose a threat to anyone.

“The government is attempting to prosecute these innocent men for crimes they did not commit on the basis of their political beliefs. We see this as part of a larger government campaign targeting social justice activists on the false premise of combating ‘domestic terrorism.’ Organizing against racism and police brutality should not make one vulnerable to state retaliation.” Said Mel Campagna, Chair of the National Lawyers Guild Anti-Racism Committee.

The National Lawyers Guild San Francisco Bay Area has nearly 1,000 lawyer, law student, and legal worker members from Sacramento to San Jose. We seek to unite the lawyers, law students, legal workers, and jailhouse lawyers of America in an organization which shall function as an effective political and social force in the service of the people, to the end that human rights shall be regarded as more sacred than property interests. Find out more at www.nlgsf.org.

Jeff Luers Appeal Decided Today!!! Reversed & Remanded

"Lauren Regan, ED" wrote:

Folks: The Court of Appeals just unanimously ruled that Jeff's case will be reversed and remanded back to the Circuit Court for resentencing as a result of Judge Velure's errors in imposing the original draconian sentence. The opinion just came out this morning and we are still reviewing it for details, but it looks like Jeff could potentially get about 15 years taken off his 266 month sentence. We will provide you with more information as it becomes known. The entire opinion is included below for those who are interested. Congratulations to Jeff and his family!
Lauren

ps--for those who are not familiar with the Luers case, this young man was sentenced to 22 years in prison for the arson of the Romania car dealership in Eugene, OR, and an attempted arson of Tyree Oil. The total damage amounted to burned tires on 3 SUVs , the tires were replaced and the SUVs were resold. No harm to any living things. Outrage over the unjust sentence spanned the globe. Luers is currently imprisoned at the Oregon State Prison and CLDC has continuously assisted Jeff with various legal matters during his incarceration.

Tuesday, February 13, 2007

Greek police detain 60 people after arson attack on central Athens bank

Monday, February 12 2007 news.infoshop.org

Greek police detained some 60 people in Athens after suspected
anarchists burnt a bank ATM late Monday, authorities said. Nobody was
injured in the petrol bomb attack in central Athens, which caused
minor damage. Police responded by raiding cafeterias frequented by
suspected anarchists in the city center, detaining around 60 people.
Nobody was arrested or formally accused of involvement in the
fire-bombing, which was the latest of a string of similar attacks.

ATHENS, Greece: Greek police detained some 60 people in Athens after
suspected anarchists burnt a bank ATM late Monday, authorities said.

Nobody was injured in the petrol bomb attack in central Athens, which
caused minor damage.

Police responded by raiding cafeterias frequented by suspected
anarchists in the city center, detaining around 60 people. Nobody was
arrested or formally accused of involvement in the fire-bombing,
which was the latest of a string of similar attacks.

A number of small anarchist groups have claimed responsibility for
the attacks, in which petrol bombs and homemade gas-canister bombs
were used against banks and government buildings and vehicles in
Athens and Thessaloniki, Greece's second-largest city.

Anarchists throwing stones and petrol bombs have repeatedly clashed
with police this year, during a series of student protests against
government plans to end a state monopoly on university education.

http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2007/02/12/europe/EU-GEN-Greece-Arson.php

Emergency demonstration for Black Panther 8 Wednesday 2-14, 5 PM

For immediate release -- Please forward widely

What: Rally and Press Conference to SupportFreedom for the Black Panther Eight

Where: Downtown Los Angeles Federal Building, 300 N. Los Angeles
Street at Temple

Who: Panther Eight Unity Mission, including Black Riders Liberation
Party, Jericho Amnesty Coalition Los Angeles

On the occasion of a bail reduction hearing set
in San Francisco for four of the eight former
Black Panthers recently indicted on 36-year-old
charges based on police torture of some of the
defendants and of the key witness for the
prosecution, there will be an emergency support
demonstration and press conference to demand
freedom for the BP8 and all political prisoners.

It will take place on Wednesday, February 14 at
5:00 PM outside the downtown Federal Building on
Los Angeles Street at Temple Street. Although the
eight former Blank Panther Party members,
including local Altadena residents Ray Boudreaux
and Hank Jones, are facing trial in San
Francisco, there has been clear federal
involvement from the very beginning, in 1971, as
part of the COINTELPRO attack on the Black
liberation movement. Therefore, members of the
Panther Eight Unity Mission are taking their
public action at the Los Angeles Federal Building.

Although the Eight are charged with conspiracy to
kill a police officer, the real conspiracy was
the COINTELPRO secret dirty war on the Black
freedom movement and other liberation struggles,
in which the FBI and local police forces killed,
tortured, framed up, shot up and otherwise waged
chemical, psychological and other forms of
warfare on the Panthers. The new indictments are
an attempt to lock up people who withstood and
exposed torture and remained steadfast in their
commitment to and love of their people. It is
also designed to intimidate supporters of new
Congressional hearings into COINTELPRO, and to
prevent the parole of two of the new defendants,
Jalil Muntaquin and Herman Bell, who have already
served more than 30 years in prison for their
involvement in the Black liberation movement.

All people of conscience are invited to attend
the rally and press conference. Endorsing groups
include the Black Riders Liberation Party, the
Jericho Amnesty Coalition, the Danza Mexica
Cuauhtemoc, the Puerto Rican Alliance, Asians for
Jericho and Mumia, Union del Barrio, Anti-Racist
Action, and others that have come together to
support the Black Panther Eight and the Committee
to Defend Human Rights, their defense effort.
Press statements from the community groups
involved, a fact sheet on the case, and contact
information for the prisoners will be available
at the rally and press conference.

Also don't forget the LA premiere showing of
"Legacy of Torture: The War Against the Black
Liberation Movement," a powerful new documentary
about the former Panthers base around their
recent incarceration as Grand Jury resisters and
their torture back in 1971. It takes place
Saturday, February 14 from 4-7:00 PM at the
Southern California Library for Social Studies &
Research, 6120 S. Vermont between Slauson & Gage.
The showing will benefit the defense of the Eight, as well as their families.

For more information, call 310-495-0299 or check
www.geocities.com/jerichoamnestycoalitionla

PANTHER EIGHT UNITY MISSION

PARA DISTRIBUCION INMEDIATA

AVISO DE CONFERENCIA DE PRENSA Y PROTESTA

CUANDO: Miercoles, 14 de Febrero 2007

DONDE: En frente del Edificio Federal en Los Angeles.
300 N. Calle Los Angeles, Los Angeles, Calif.

HORA: 5:00 de la tarde

En la occasion de una audiencia para reducir la
cantidad de fianza programada para San Francisco,
el mismo dia, para cuatro de ocho antiguos
miembros de las Panteras Negras, recientemente
arrestados con cargos con 36 años de antiguedad
basados en tortura policiaca contra algunos de
los ausados y del testigo principal para la
prosecucion, se llevara a cabo una manifestacion
de emergencia y conferencia de prensa para exigir
la libertad de los 8 de las Panteras Negras y
todos los presos politicos en los EEUU.

Aunque los 8 de las Panteras Negras enfrentan
un juicio en San Franciso, es claro que ha habido
intervencion federal desde el inicio del caso en
1971, como parte un ataque contra el movimiento
de liberacion negra. Es por eso, que miembros de
la Mision Unida por los 8 Panteras estan
organizando esta accion enfrente del Edificio Federal en Los Angeles.

Aunque los Ocho estan acusados de una
conspiracion para asesinar a un oficial de la
policia, la verdadera conspiracion fue la guerra
sucia de COINTELPRO, contra el movimiento de
liberacion de la gente negra y otras luchas
libertarias, en la cual la FBI y las fuerzas de
la policia local asesinaron, torturaron,
balearon, y generalmente ejercieron una guerra
quimica y psicologica contra las Panteras Negras.

Estas acusaciones contra los 8 Panteras, es un
esfuerzo para encarcelar a gente que sobrevivio y
denuncio la tortura y manteniendose comprometidos y con amor por su pueblo.

Auspician: Black Riders Liberation Party,
the Jericho Amnesty Coalition, the Danza Mexica
Cuauhtemoc, la Alianza Puertorriquena, Asians
for Jericho and Mumia Union del barrio, Accion
Anti-Racista y otros grupos y individuos en apoyo
de los 8 Panteras negras y el Committee to
Defend Human Rights (Comite en Defensa de
Derechos Humanos), el comite defensor para los 8.

LIBERTAD PARA LOS 8 PANTERAS NEGRAS!

Monday, February 12, 2007

Shackled and emaciated, Eta killer pleads for peace from his deathbed


The Times

Thomas Catan
February 05, 2007

A convicted key member of Eta, the Basque separatist group, who is close to death after three months without eating, has called on the Spanish Government to resume talks to reach a peace deal.

In his first interview since embarking on a hunger strike 91 days ago, Iñaki de Juana Chaos said that he strongly backed the peace process, which stalled after Eta detonated a huge bomb at Barajas air-port, Madrid, on December 30. The blast destroyed a multi-storey car park, killed two people and shattered a nine-month ceasefire that the group had described as permanent.

Now the emaciated prisoner, a renowned hardliner viewed as a key figure in the peace process, has urged a fresh effort to solve the conflict. Even as he did so, 200,000 supporters of Eta victims marched in Madrid at the weekend, calling on José Luis RodrÍguez Zapatero, the Prime Minister, to resign for having entered into talks with Eta during its ceasefire.

“I am completely in agreement with the democratic process of dialogue and negotiation . . . to resolve the political conflict between the Basque region and the French and Spanish states,” de Juana told The Times from his secure hospital room in Madrid, where he is being force-fed by authorities. “After the event at Barajas . . . resolution of the conflict is more necessary than ever,” he said in written answers.

For the Spanish Government, de Juana’s protest over his continued detention, two years after completing his sentence, is a growing political nightmare. With doctors cautioning that de Juana could die in days or weeks, Mr Zapatero’s Government is braced for what could be its deepest crisis since it took power in 2004.

The case, which recalls Bobby Sands’s fatal IRA hunger strike in 1981, has faced the Spanish Socialist Government with a dilemma. If he dies, de Juana will become a martyr to the Basque independence movement. Some fear that Eta could use his death to justify a renewed bombing campaign, and there are reports that the group has already been eyeing tourist spots for future attacks. But if the Government allows him to serve out a reduced sentence at home, as some judges advocate, it will provoke an outcry on the Right, only three months away from important local elections. Even if he were allowed home, it is far from certain that de Juana would survive. He said in his interview that he would not abandon his protest for anything short of unconditional freedom.

“I would not have abandoned the hunger strike in exchange for a reduced sentence. The only acceptable alternative is complete liberty and an end to the brutal attacks on freedom of _expression that this legal process implies,” he said.

De Juana was sentenced in 1987 to 3,000 years in jail for his part in 25 deaths, including machinegunning a car containing three soldiers, murdering a rear-admiral and planting a car bomb that killed 12 military policemen. Under sentencing guidelines then in force he had to serve only 18 years and was due to be freed in 2004. The Government, fearing a public outcry, unearthed two opinion articles that he had published in a Basque newspaper and charged him with making terrorist threats. Juan Fernando López Aguilar, the Justice Minister, promised to do “whatever is in our power to prevent these releases”, adding that the Government was working to “construct new charges” against Eta prisoners “like we did with de Juana Chaos”.

De Juana began a hunger strike last year but dropped it after 63 days when it looked as though the Government would seek a much-reduced sentence. Then a court gave him another 12 years and 7 months in jail, prompting him to restart his hunger strike. Legal experts have questioned the ruling. On Saturday the Association of European Democratic Lawyers said that the sentence was “an exceptional resolution of extraordinary harshness”.

Some fear that de Juana’s death could persuade others who remain in jail after their sentences have ended to follow suit, giving the 40-year conflict a new lease of life. Nine republican prisoners followed Bobby Sands in 1981; their deaths triggered a surge in IRA activity, fundraising and recruitment.

Despite his deteriorating condition, de Juana is in uncompromising mood. He expressed no remorse for his killings and said that he felt no responsibility for the tumult that his death could cause. “Can you blame the repressed for the actions of the repressor? Can you blame the violated for the actions of the violator?” he asked, rhetorically. Faced with the prospect of his own demise, he was contemplative. His mother died a week ago and doctors say that he could experience “sudden death” any day.

“Not being able to live a normal life is very hard. Only those of us who have experienced it can understand it,” he said. “So that it is not repeated, the roots of the conflict must be addressed.”

De Juana Chaos

Age
51

Height 5ft 8in (173cm)

Normal weight 14st 8lb (80kg)

Current weight 8st 3lb

Hunger strike 91 days

Previous strike 63 days

Arrested 1987

Convicted of 25 deaths

Sentenced to 3,000 years in prison, but was to serve only 18 years. Completed officially in October 2004

New sentence (November 2006) 12 years, 7 months, for publishing two opinion articles in a newspaper

Also known for trying to orchestrate a James Bond-style escape from a top-security prison using a helicopter. Said to have ordered prawns and champagne from his jailers to celebrate the killing of a politician and his wife.

Robert King Wilkerson - Sweet freedom for man found innocent after 30 years


http://www.statesman.com

Robert King Wilkerson cooks up a new life as a candy maker

AMERICAN-STATESMAN STAFF
Sunday, February 11, 2007

Robert King Wilkerson eases out of bed. He pulls on a black shirt, a watch cap and sandals, and shuffles into the tiny kitchen of his East Austin duplex.

The shirt covers his tattoos, most self-inscribed decades ago using pencil lead. A long dagger extends down his left forearm; a spider rests on his left hand. The tops of his fingers say "L-O-V-E" and, below that, "H-A-T-E." The initials of a long-ago girlfriend grace his right forearm.

While he was in prison, Robert King Wilkerson made his pralines in cans over flaming circles of toilet paper like this one. Making a single batch took 30 of the doughnut-shaped toilet paper rolls. Wilkerson was freed in 2001 after promising not to sue for false imprisonment.

He assembles his ingredients: butter, milk, sugar, baking soda, vanilla and salt. He pulls a pot off a high shelf.

"I was arrested in 1961 for armed robbery," he begins. "Did I do it? Nah, not that one. But I wasn't ready to pay no poetic justice. Gee whiz, I was just a young man. I'd only been out of the reformatory for a year.

"I got sentenced to 10 years," he says. "That was the first time."

He moved to Austin last year after being chased out of New Orleans by Hurricane Katrina, and some friends here offered to help out.

The duplex is more studio than apartment. Wilkerson makes the bed next to the dining room table every morning. Paper clutter is placed into tidy piles set at right angles.

The room is filled with panther statues. There is a large wooden one on the floor, the old base of a hip 1970s coffee table. Jungle cats stalk across the TV and a shelf.

Photographs, lined neatly on shelves or tables and stuck to the refrigerator, depict Black Panthers of the human variety.

Here is Wilkerson next to Geronimo Pratt, a Panther organizer who spent 27 years in prison.

Here is Wilkerson standing between two new members of the party last year. Their faces are fierce, masked by dark Malcolm X glasses. Their fists are raised.

Wilkerson is the one in the middle, smiling.

Pralines surpass their ingredients. Combine sugar, butter and milk the wrong way, and you get a sticky mess. But in skilled hands, they produce a magical confection: buttery but not sickly rich, and sweet with a whiff of burned sugar.

Without measuring, Wilkerson pours the assembled ingredients into a soupy khaki-colored mixture. He places the pot on the stove and begins to stir.

"I was 22 when I got out of prison," he says. "I got married, had a son."

He boxed. "My first fight, I came out looking good. But after two rounds, he went to work on me. My arms got tired; my legs got tired. He was beatin' on somebody who wasn't fighting back."

He retired after a few more fights and took odd jobs. In 1970, he was busted for armed robbery again.

"I didn't do it," he insists. "But I know who did." The jury sentenced him to 35 years.

From his fifth-floor cell in the New Orleans parish prison, Wilkerson could hear the guards' television set.

"One day I heard the announcer creep into a program on the air," he says. "He said there was a shootout downtown with what they called 'militants.' "

Among those involved was Donald Guyton, who'd grown up with Wilkerson in the Algiers neighborhood of New Orleans and had become involved with the Panthers. Taken to the same parish prison as Wilkerson, Guyton says, he started introducing other prisoners to the organization. They protested living conditions and agitated against prisoner-on-prisoner violence.

"Our message was, just because you're incarcerated doesn't mean you have to give up your humanity," he says.

For Wilkerson, the Panthers were as much a translation service as anything: "I couldn't articulate what I was feeling" ­ a pressurized mixture of anger and hopelessness. "It wasn't until the Black Panthers stated it that I understood it."

After a short escape, he was sent to Angola Prison, where he was placed in solitary confinement. He still managed to carry the Black Panthers' message, and while he was there, he was active in helping file lawsuits and leading political discussions for the Panthers' only prison chapter.

A year later, a prisoner was killed, and Wilkerson and another man were blamed. During the trial, both were shackled, and, after courtroom outbursts by the other inmate, their mouths were duct-taped shut.

The Louisiana Supreme Court reversed that conviction, based in part on the duct tape. In the 1975 retrial, Wilkerson's co-defendant said he alone stabbed the man, but it didn't matter. Wilkerson was sentenced to life in prison with no possibility of parole.

90 percent innovation

The mixture on the stove begins to froth, like a giant cappuccino. Wilkerson stirs with a long-handled wooden paddle, pulling it through the pot in lazy circles. The praline thickens. The trick is to let the liquid burn enough for flavor but not too much, ruining the batch altogether.

"This candy's funny," he says. "It depends on the weather. If it's sunshiny, it's nice. If it's too humid, it's not."

Wilkerson was raised in New Orleans by his grandmother. Although he'd always had a sweet tooth, he learned to make candy in prison. His first time behind bars, he watched an inmate conjure sweets out of milk from the prison's cows and sugar from the cane cut by inmates working on the farm.

In solitary a decade later, Wilkerson began experimenting in his cell. He collected butter and sugar packets at breakfast; sometimes, other inmates or even guards saved ingredients for him in exchange for a future taste. At first he tried using a "stinger," a homemade heating element created from a piece of metal and wires.

Later, he learned that if he rolled toilet paper into a coil and then tucked the edges back on themselves into a tissue doughnut, he had a sort of homemade Sterno that burned hot enough to caramelize the sugar. He twisted a towel around the can into a handle so he didn't burn his hand. He stirred the mixture with a ruler he stripped of paint.

A single batch ­ a couple of pounds ­ burned about 30 rolls of toilet paper. He cooked it on the toilet seat because it was easy to clean and because the entire operation could be swept into the toilet if an unfriendly guard wandered by.

He figured out he could peel the top off a Coke can to create a tiny pot. When that boiled over, he stacked more cans on top, creating a tall cooking tube.

When the candy was ready, he poured the caramel into a tray made from a manila folder covered in onionskin paper. As that cooled, he poured another layer on top and mixed them together with pecans, sometimes sneaked in by the guards.

"You got to have cooperation from the people who's working," he says. "It's the unity of opposites. The officer, you know, he has rules he has to go by. But he's got to work for 16 hours, too, so he wants to make things easy. And the brass walks the same road. So the officer allows you to do your little thing, as long as it doesn't infringe on his job.

"I'd usually start on a Friday night and finish on a Sunday," he says. "You got to have patience."

Slow and steady

The praline mixture has thickened. Wilkerson scrapes the caramel residue off the bottom of the pot. The smell of cooking sugar and heated milk pours from the stove.

He spreads pecans over a baking tray. Moving fast, he pours the mixture on top of the pecans. It spreads slowly, like cake batter.

How does a man pass 29 years in a 6-foot-by-9-foot concrete box?

"I was in prison," Wilkerson says, "but prison wasn't in me."

He did push-ups, jumping jacks, kick-outs, side kicks and stomach crunches in the narrow spaces of his cell. He paced. He read. He wrote. He studied the law. Eventually, what he learned helped him gain a new trial.

"It was a little crack in the door I was trying to creep through," he says.

The witness who'd implicated Wilkerson in the prison slaying recanted, saying he didn't see Wilkerson stab anyone. The crack widened.

Courts batted his case back and forth, granting him new trials and taking them away, declaring him innocent and re-proclaiming his guilt. Big-name lawyers took up his cause without pay, eager to fight what appeared more and more to be a political imprisonment.

He and two other Panther inmates, Albert Woodfox and Herman Wallace, who spent the 1970s, '80s and '90s in a single room for 23 hours a day, came to be known as the Angola Three.

"Even if he was guilty," says George Kendall, a New York attorney who has sued Louisiana alleging cruel and unusual punishment on Wilkerson's behalf, "it doesn't justify" half a lifetime in solitary.

After much technical legal wrangling, prosecutors offered a deal: If Wilkerson would not sue them for a wrongful conviction, he could go free. He walked out of Angola on Feb. 8, 2001.

"Why did it take so long?" he says. "Why did it even happen? When they say the wheels of justice turn slow, that's crap. I believe justice delayed is justice denied. But I also believe justice delayed is terrorism. If you're not dying imminently, you're dying incrementally."

He pauses, takes a breath. "So, you ask me, 'Why did it take so long?' "

A slow smile. "I'd have to say, I guess the wheels of justice turn slow."

Just right, for now

"Some people, when they cook the candy, it'll come out a little sugary," Wilkerson says. "But to keep it creamy and less sugary, I do something different."

After pouring the now taffy-thick mixture over the pecans, he begins pushing the edges toward the middle, folding it back on itself, whipping air into the praline before it hardens completely.

When it is the consistency of a soft wax, he pulls a sharp paring knife across the surface, cutting it into roughly square chunks. Not quite caramel, not yet crunchy, it melts gently in the mouth, like maple sugar.

"When I was in prison making candy, guys would say, 'You could make a lot of money out there ­ if you ever get out.' " In the past couple of years, Wilkerson has sold his candies over the Internet, calling them Freelines. At $3 a bag, he's not challenging Hershey's. But most months, the sales cover his living costs: $350 rent, a few bucks more for food and utilities.

When he's not melting sugar, he speaks at rallies. He addressed a Black Panther reunion. He's traveled to more than a dozen countries to speak against injustice. He tries to keep the story of the Angola Three's two imprisoned members from fading away.

Sixty-four years old and free for the past five, Wilkerson's only real asset is his story. "All I do is talk," he says. "Just talk."

Ann Harkness, a local activist who has sponsored Wilkerson at several events, says she sometimes has to keep the question-and-answer sessions from turning into a freak show, like midway crowds staring at a man on a bed of nails: "You know, 'Come see the man who spent 30 years in solitary.' "

But Guyton, who is now known as Malik Rahim, suspects that people are drawn to Wilkerson not for what he endured but for how he emerged.

"For a person to go through 29 years in one of the most brutal prisons in America and still maintain his sanity and humanity, that's what makes people want to listen to Robert."

Being known as an American political prisoner has its perks. He is feted and toasted by the network of radicals permanently outraged by the Establishment. Here's a picture of him with socialist historian and author Howard Zinn; here's another with U.S. Rep. Maxine Waters of California.

"It's a circle I got introduced to I never thought I would," he says. "Not that I wanted to."

In November, heiress and arts patron Ann Getty invited him to her San Francisco mansion. A living political art installation, he arrived each morning at 8:30, made pralines in her restaurant-size kitchen all day and left at 4. At the end of the two weeks, she presented him with a new industrial-size stove. It would take up almost his entire living room/bedroom, though, so it has stayed in California.

"A lot of these white activists don't understand," Harkness says. "He lives hand-to-mouth."

Walking out of Angola, Wilkerson says, "was like getting out of a graveyard. It's white on the outside and filled with rotting bones on the inside."

As a brush with death sharpens life, a lifetime of confinement can broaden the vision, and Wilkerson is reluctant to commit to anything.

"I started seeing the whole world as my stage," he says. "Not just New Orleans or Austin." Those places, he adds, "are just points of embarkation."

The pralines, too: "If I had something else to do, I'd probably do it." Someday, maybe, he'd like to open a restaurant.

But at the moment, he feels comfortable here. The small rooms and the predictable pace are familiar. The pralines, sweet and undemanding, are cooling on the counter.

"Maybe I did have a plan for when I got out," he says. "And maybe this is it."

edexheimer@statesman.com; 445-1774

Order some online and help him out! King's pralines are pure yummy...

http://www.kingsfreelines.com/

Amnesty International calls for Gary Tyler pardon


http://freegarytyler.com

Public Statement

AI Index: AMR 51/026/2007 (Public)
News Service No: 029
12 February 2007

USA: Serious miscarriage of justice in Louisiana must be rectified

Amnesty International is renewing its call to the Louisiana authorities for a pardon to be granted to Gary Tyler, a 49 year-old African-American man who has been in prison in Louisiana since the age of 17, and whose 1975 trial was infected with racial prejudice.

Tyler was convicted in 1975 of the murder of Timothy Weber, a white 13 year-old schoolboy who was shot outside Destrehan High School, St Charles Parish, during racial disturbances. Tyler had been one of many black students on a bus carrying black students back to their homes which was being attacked by white people throwing stones and bottles, and from which the shot had allegedly come. Following the shooting, all male students on the bus were searched immediately, and the bus was searched twice. No gun was found. The bus was then taken with the students to the police station, where following questioning, one female student said she had been sitting next to Tyler and had seen him fire a gun into the crowd. Following this testimony, police then found a .45 automatic gun stuffed inside a seat, through a long, visible tear in the seat. The same seat had previously been searched, shaken and turned upside down several times, and nothing had been found. Gary Tyler was detained in the police station where there is strong evidence that he was savagely beaten. He did not make any statement implicating himself in any way.

At the time of the incident, racial tensions in the area were running high as whites attempted to resist racial integration. There were frequent clashes in which the Klu Klux Klan played a leading role. Gary Tyler was tried by an all white jury from which members of the black community had been deliberately excluded. He received seriously deficient legal representation at his trial from a white lawyer who specialized in civil cases and who spent only one hour with Tyler during the whole year previous to his trial. Furthermore, he did not interview witnesses, present any expert witnesses or conduct tests on physical evidence offered by the state, and failed to object to gross errors committed by the trial judge, later found in the appeal court to have made Tylers trial fundamentally unfair. Since the trial, evidence has come to light indicating that Tyler did not shoot the victim, including witnesses who testified against Tyler at trial and later recanted, saying that they were coerced by the police to make statements against him, and questionable forensic evidence which did not clearly and definitely implicate Tyler in the murder.

Originally sentenced to death, Tylers death sentence was overturned in 1977 following a ruling by the US Supreme Court in 1976 which declared the states death penalty unconstitutional, and his sentence was commuted to life imprisonment without parole, probation, or suspension of sentence for 20 years.

In two decisions a federal appeals court ruled that Tyler had been convicted on the basis of unconstitutional charge which had infected the trial to the point of rendering it fundamentally unfair. In its first decision, the court vacated Tylers conviction and ordered a retrial. However, following an appeal by the state, the court reversed its previous decision ordering a new trial, although it did not dispute its finding of unconstitutionality, and reiterated its view that the trial had been fundamentally unfair. On at least three separate occasions the Louisiana Board of Pardons recommended to two state governors that Gary Tylers sentence should be reduced, on one occasion, making him immediately eligible for parole, but these recommendations were rejected.

If Louisianas death penalty had not been found unconstitutional, it is very likely that Gary Tyler would have been executed before now. Amnesty International is calling on Governor Blanco to rectify this shocking injustice by granting a pardon to Gary Tyler with immediate effect and by ordering a full, independent investigation into his case so that anyone found to have been involved in any cover-up or abuse is brought to justice.

For more information on Gary Tylers case and full details of Amnesty Internationals concerns, see: USA: The Case of Gary Tyler, AMR51/89/94.

The Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110
(415) 863-9977
www.freedomarchives.orgQuestions and comments may be sent to claude@freedomarchives.org

Jericho PP Contingent March 17th Anti-war Demo

The ProLibertad Freedom Campaign

Join the Jericho Movement in Washington on March 17th Bring the troops home
NOW! Free all Political Prisoners and Prisoners of War. Support the
Jericho’s Movement’s call for Congressional Hearings on “COINTELPRO: Its
Impact and Legacy”.

For bus and contingent information call 646. 261-0193 or 718.789-1801 or
email pppowcontingent @yahoo.com. For further information about Political
Prisoners and Prisoners of War in the United States, Jericho Movement and
its call for Congressional Hearings see thejerichomovement.com. Information
about the March 17th anti-war demonstration can be found at
www.troopsoutnow.org.

Saturday, February 10, 2007

Briana Waters Benefit Show in Washington, DC: Febuary 13

Tuesday, Feb. 13, 2007 at 7 p.m. (will end by 10 p.m.)


All Acoustic Benefit Show for Briana Waters
at the Brian Mackenzie Infoshop

Ghost Mice (Plan-it-x Records)
Rachel Jacobs (Local, but from NY too. Amazing!)
Christian Brady and the 12 Foot Scarf (from Mass Movement of the Moth)
The April Decca (Local, Acoustic Indie/Pop/Punk)
Sarah Lazare (Local folkish punk)

$5 to benefit Briana Waters

http://supportbriana.org/

Briana Waters is a devoted, loving mother and partner, a dedicated
musician and violin teacher, and a caring friend to many. It has come as
quite a shock to everyone who knows her that she has been wrongly accused
of participating in a politically motivated arson at the University of
Washington. These charges carry a draconian mandatory minimum sentence of
35 years in prison should she be convicted. Briana pled not guilty to the
charges, first brought on March 15, 2006, and was released pending trial.

The government is currently using the threat of extremely harsh prison
sentences to coerce people into becoming informants. It is possible that
the testimony of a person or people under this sort of pressure led to
Briana's indictment.


The Brian MacKenzie Infoshop
1426 9th Street NW
(between O and P Streets)
Near the Howard/Shaw and Mt. Vernon Square Metro Stops
Washington DC 20001
202-986-0681
dcinfoshop@mutualaid.org

The space is wheelchair accessible, call us if you have questions

Eugene, OR: "Revolutionary Film Festival" 2/16-2/17

The Civil Liberties Defense Center, American Constitution Society and the National Lawyers Guild are co-sponsoring a civil liberties film festival the evening of Friday, February 16, and all day Saturday, February 17. Each film will have a short introduction, some by local civil rights attorneys and others by the filmmakers.
February 16 & 17
U of O Law School, Room 175
1515 Agate St., Eugene

Suggested donation $2 to $5 per film or Civil Liberties Defense Center
or American Constitution Society membership special of $20, with film
admission for both days included.

Popcorn and refreshments will be served.


FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 16

6:00 - We Interrupt This Empire - Collaborative work by San Francisco
Bay Area independent video activists, documenting the shutdown of the
San Francisco financial district following the U.S. invasion of Iraq.

7:25 - The Torture Question - Frontline documentary about Guantanamo and
Abu Ghraib.

9:20 - Mumia: A Case for Reasonable Doubt - Convicted in 1981 of killing
a white Philadelphia police officer, Mumia Abu-Jamal was imprisoned in
1981. His conviction contains irregularities in both the evidence and
the conduct of his trial.

10:50 - Soul of Justice: Thelton Henderson's American Journey - The
challenges the first black attorney in the Civil Rights Division of
JFK's Justice Dept. confronted being a black man in authority within the
all-white world of the American legal system.


SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 17

10:00 - This Is My Home - Documentary about New Orleans residents who
remain displaced 16 months after Hurricane Katrina. Thousands of
families are still shut out of their homes and remain displaced across
the country.

11:00 - Doing Justice: The Life and Trials of Arthur Kinoy -
Award-winning documentary about a NLG attorney who represented the
Rosenbergs and continued to take on controversial civil rights cases
through the Watergate era.

12:15 - Norfolk Four - Four veterans of the U.S. Navy were convicted of
crimes they did not commit. This film is a review of the case by leading
experts in the fields of pathology, DNA analysis, crime reconstruction,
and confessions.

1:00 - Civil Liberties Since 9/11 - Informative and shocking panel
discussion with Lynne Stewart, Clark Kissinger, Len Weinglass, Michael
Ratner, Abdeen Jabara, chaired by Michael Smith.

2:50 - Forest For the Trees - Inside look at a team of young activists
and old lefties battling the U.S. government in Judi Bari vs. the FBI.
Bari was an Earth First! leader severely injured when her car was
bombed, and she was arrested as a terrorist — charges later dropped.
Suspecting a ploy by the FBI to discredit her and Earth First!, Judi
sued and won!

4:20 - Juvies - Compelling documentary about 12 juveniles tried as
adults. Includes commentary from academics, doctors, a former D.A., and
others who discuss the trend in recent years across the United States to
try juveniles as adults.

5:50 - Education of Shelby Knox - A 15-year-old girlʼs transformation
from conservative Southern Baptist to liberal Christian and ardent
feminist parallels her fight for sex education and gay rights in
Lubbock, Texas.

7:30 - Fighting for Justice: The Coram Nobis Cases - Documentary about
Japanese- Americans who made the choice to get arrested instead of go to
the internment camps and were prosecuted. Gayle Yamada, the filmmaker,
will introduce the film.

8:25 - Blacklist: Recovering the Life of Canada Lee - The life of
African American actor Canada Lee, who was persecuted for his
interracial marriage and blacklisted for refusing to cooperate with the
McCarthy commission. Kenny Kilfara, the filmmaker, will introduce the film.

9:30 - Legacy of Torture: The War Against The Black Liberation Movement
- Former Black Panther Party members face government harassment.
Co-producer Claude Marks will introduce the film.

10:35 - Hearne, Texas: Scenes from the Drug War - The story of a
community engaged in a struggle to clear the names of those swept up in
a corrupt drug raid; produced in association with the ACLU of Texas.

Friday, February 09, 2007

Letters to the Judge for Daniel are due in ONE WEEK

Hi friends,
We just wanted to remind you that letters to the Judge for Daniel are due in one week. You can get all the information you need below. Please consider writing one even if you do not know Daniel. Below are two links to flyers with the information about what to include in your letter, 10 reasons why you should write one and the guidelines for writing a letter.
thanks so much,
Family and Friends of Daniel McGowan

==================

Letter writing flyers:
http://www.supportdaniel.org/files/judgeletternew.pdf
http://www.supportdaniel.org/files/judgeletter_halfsheet.pdf

===================

10 Reasons to write a letter to the Judge for Daniel

1) This is the last big thing you are being asked to do before Daniel’s sentencing.

2) You have a chance to write one page that could help save our friend from being unfairly locked away in prison for eight or an addtional twenty years.

3) Because your letter will count. Even if you don’t know Daniel personally, your letter will demonstrate the breadth of his support community to the judge.

4) This is a chance to use whatever status, privilege, or prestige you might have in the eyes of society and put it towards supporting a targeted activist like Daniel.

5) Either you know Daniel and have a story to tell, or you know about positive things that he’s done for his communities, or you’ve done things to support him, or you know about things others have done to support him, or you know why he shouldn’t be labeled a terrorist and locked away—but whatever it is, you have something to say about Daniel McGowan and this is your chance to say it when it counts.

6) Because you don’t want to live in a world in which targets of repression are not supported by their friends and their community. Because you don’t want to see what would happen to free speech and civil liberties if we didn’t support each other.

7) Because there is strength in numbers.

8) The decision over how many years Daniel will spend in prison will ultimately come down to one person and you have a chance to express to her what Daniel means to you.

9) Because you would want everybody to do this if you were in Daniel’s position.

10) Because your voice matters.

======================================
======================================

Guidelines for Letters to Judge Aiken in Support of Daniel McGowan
Daniel McGowan will be sentenced by Judge Ann Aiken probably sometime in the Spring. Daniel’s lawyers will submit a detailed memorandum prior to sentencing, along with letters from family members, friends, colleagues, and other supporters. Please refer to these guidelines if you are writing a letter to Judge Aiken on Daniel’s behalf. Send it to his lawyers at the address below.

Examples of Things to Write About – Choose Only What is Right for You
  • How you met Daniel and how you know him (through school, work, mutual friends, prisoner support work, etc.); how long you have known Daniel.
  • What you know about Daniel’s character, his reputation in the community; personal experiences you have had with him that illustrate important aspects of his character.
  • What you know about Daniel’s relationship with his family, his wife, and his close friends – the people who will be his personal support when he is in prison and when he is released. Describe for the judge how these people will assist him through these difficult times.
  • How you personally will be able to help Daniel get back to a normal life when he is released from prison, whether it is through helping him to pursue his education, remain employed, or establish a home.
  • Examples, from your personal knowledge, of what Daniel has done in his life to help others, whether it is through activist work, charitable work, work for non-profit organizations, or personally helping you or someone you know with something. Specific examples of Daniel’s contributions to charitable, community, and non-profit organizations are helpful.
  • Examples, from your personal knowledge, of how Daniel demonstrates what he believes in, whether it is by arranging Really, Really Free Markets, collecting electronic gear to recycle, or volunteering for causes he supports.
  • The Judge may consider whether Daniel is likely to commit another crime. If you have specific reasons to share with the Judge to demonstrate why you believe that Daniel is unlikely to commit another crime, please explain those in your letter.
  • The Judge may consider whether Daniel has shown that, after the crimes were committed, his conduct demonstrated rehabilitation. If you have specific examples of his conduct, between July of 2001 and December 2005 that you feel the Judge should know about that show Daniel has engaged in significant rehabilitation from the time he committed the crimes, please explain those in your letter.
  • The Judge may consider whether to sentence Daniel as a “terrorist” under certain provisions of federal law and sentencing guidelines. While this is largely a technical legal issue that the lawyers will write about, you may wish to write to the Judge about how Daniel’s case compares to other crimes and incidents that you are personally aware of that either have or have not been treated as “terrorist” incidents.
There may be other things you may wish to say to the judge as well. Our suggestions are just that – suggestions. Please make sure you write in a polite, respectful manner to the Judge.

What Not to Write About
Some topics are simply not helpful subjects of discussion in a letter to the Court related to sentencing. We ask that you not justify or rationalize the incidents. We ask that you not compare Daniel to others who have entered pleas and who are also facing sentencing or to those who have not been arrested or are fugitives.

Address Your Letter To:
Judge Ann Aiken
U.S. District Court
Eugene, Oregon

MAIL YOUR LETTER TO:

Andrea Crabtree
Schroeter Goldmark & Bender
810 Third Avenue, Suite 500
Seattle, Washington 98104

Please, do NOT mail your letter to Judge Aiken. After you have signed the letter, MAIL IT TO THE LAWYERS' office. They will deliver all of the correspondence to the Judge at one time, along with other sentencing materials.

DEADLINE:
Please get letters to the lawyers no later than February 15, 2007.

Questions?
Call or e-mail Amanda Lee at (206) 622-8000 or lee@sgb-law.com

Thursday, February 08, 2007

The Men the Authorities Came to Blame ...

http://counterpunch.org
February 8, 2007

The Case of the San Francisco 8

By RON JACOBS
I recently reviewed a DVD about a group of Black Panthers who were tortured in 1973 by New Orleans police during interrogations regarding the murder of a San Francisco police officer in 1971. The DVD, titled Legacy of Torture, highlights the stories of some of these men and their experience at the hands of the police interrogators while law enforcement officials from other local and federal agencies stood by. A federal court ruled in 1974 that both San Francisco and New Orleans police had engaged in torture to extract a confession, and a San Francisco judge dismissed charges against three men in 1975 based on that ruling. The case was reopened in 2003 by the US Department of Justice using funds set aside for the Department of Homeland Security. Several grand juries were convened as part of the reinvestigation, with some of the men involved in the 1973 torture being called before the panel more than once.

Not long after that review was published, eight former Black Panthers were arrested for their alleged involvement in the 1971 murder in a series of sweeps. Law enforcement is still looking for one other man. Richard Brown, Richard O'Neal, Ray Boudreaux, and Hank Jones were arrested in California. Francisco Torres was arrested in Queens, New York. Harold Taylor was arrested in Florida. Two of the men charged have been in prison for over 30 years ­ Herman Bell and Jalil Muntaqim. As of this writing, the six who were arrested at their homes and places of work in late January are in prison with bail amounts running between three and five million dollars each. No pretrial date has been set although, according to Claude Marks of the Eight's defense committee, there will be a pretrial hearing because "the government doesn't seem to be backing down." Meanwhile, the committee and the men's legal team are working to get the bail reduced to a more reasonable figure.

According to police records, the men charged were members of the Black Liberation Army (BLA). The BLA was the result of a split in the Black Panther Party and believed the time was ripe for armed struggle in the United States. Other Panthers took a different route which place more community organizing, community programs, and municipal electoral politics foremost among their strategies for self-defense of the community and black liberation. The split itself was the product of genuine ideological differences in the party, but was intentionally exacerbated by the FBI, local police Red Squads, military intelligence, state undercover police agencies and other elements of the US counterinsurgency apparatus. These agencies worked under the aegis of the COINTELPRO program--a series of FBI counterintelligence programs designed to neutralize political dissidents, primarily of the left and anarchist temperaments. Methods used in this campaign ranged from the spreading of rumors regarding individuals personal lives, putting snitch jackets on activists, publishing and planting false stories about groups and individuals involved in antiwar and antiracist activities, police raids and harassment of activists, false arrests and charges, and murder. The Black Panther Party was the target of all of the aforementioned methods, including murder. In 1971, many of its leaders were either in prison, facing prison time, in exile, or murdered by police. The FBI claimed to have ended its COINTELPRO activities in 1971, but evidence presented to the Church Senate committee investigating the excesses of the program in 1974 proved otherwise. Indeed, all that really occurred was that the program was renamed. The dissident neutralization program continues to this day under other names.

The California State's Attorney's office, which is working with a Federal task force on the case, told the media that no new scientific evidence has been unearthed in the case. Instead, it appears that the prosecutors have reexamined the evidence they extracted under torture and constructed a scenario that involves all of the men charged in the 1971 murder. None the less, the attorney general's office is, in their words, " committed to seeing it through.'' What this means, in essence, is that the men will be prosecuted using evidence declared inadmissible by the courts in 1975 because it was obtained via torture.

What do I mean by torture? Could it really have been that bad? Before I quote the descriptions of the men's ordeal, let me ask you, the reader, to put yourself in the position these men found themselves in 1973. As the cursory history of the COINTELPRO program above makes clear, these men had lots to fear. They were black men held in a jail run by a police department known for its racist history; they were being charged with killing a cop; they were believed to be members of a militant armed organization composed of black men and women in the United States at a time when the government feared armed revolution and the movement feared genuine fascism. With that in mind, here is what the men endured (from the San Francisco Chronicle, surely no leftwing rag): "a court found that when the two San Francisco police investigators who came to Louisiana to interview the three men were out of the room, New Orleans officers stripped the men, blindfolded them, beat them and covered them in blankets soaked in boiling water. They also used electric prods on their genitals, court records show. "

Today, hundreds of prisoners and disappeared exist in US prisons around the globe. Torture occurs at these prisons on a regular basis. After more than three years of avoidance, the US Congress addressed the issue of torture in US-run prisons and cam up with the Military Commissions Act. This act effectively ended habeas corpus for these prisoners, does little to end torture in these prisons and excuses the torture that occurred before its enactment. In the sham courtrooms that the prisoners in these prisons will face trial, evidence extracted by torture will be admissible. Besides the torture in this corner of Washington's gulag, torture is also part of the law enforcement repertoire that includes the beating and isolation of prisoners in the modern supermax prison complexes like Pelican Bay in California to the so called rectal interrogation techniques known to be occasionally employed by the New York City Police Department. The Chicago police department was the subject of several investigations regarding years of systematic torture of primarily black men in at least one of its station houses. It is but a small leap to see that the prosecutors of the men arrested for the 1971 shooting in San Francisco will also attempt to introduce evidence obtained via torture and already considered inadmissible, no matter how flimsy. If the judge in this trial does allow this to happen, it not only flies in the face of accepted legal understanding, it is another step on the road to a totalitarian state--a road some in the United States are intent on leading their fellow countrymen and women down.

Despite their incarceration, members of the defense committee told me that the men's spirits are high., "I saw two of the bros this weekend." said Claude Marks. They are strong and ready to fight back. Their lawyers are very clear, strong and united....They're calling themselves the San Francisco 8.... They resisted the grand juries of 2005 and will fight now." Several speaking engagements by members of the committee are scheduled and money is being raised. For more information please go to the Defense Committee's website. www.CDHRsupport.org

UPDATE: The Eight's arraignment and a bail reduction hearing was carried over until February 14 at 9:00 a.m. The Superior Court is at 850 Bryant Street in SF. Please attend if you can.

Ron Jacobs is author of The Way the Wind Blew: a history of the Weather Underground, which is just republished by Verso. Jacobs' essay on Big Bill Broonzy is featured in CounterPunch's collection on music, art and sex, Serpents in the Garden. His first novel, Short Order Frame Up, is forthcoming from Mainstay Press. He can be reached at: rjacobs3625@charter.net

HUNGERSTRIKES AT CANADA'S "GUANTANAMO NORTH" UPDATE AND NEW CALL

Thanks to all of you who responded to this urgent appeal (below) about the
hungerstrikes at Canada's "Guantanamo North" prison.

The Canadian government is continuing its closed door policy &
misinformation campaign (see our six-point response to our Public Safety
Minister's lies at www.homesnotbombs.ca/daylies.htm). In the absence of
response from the government, the men have expressed their intention to
continue the hungerstrike. Today is day 76 of the hungerstrike for Mohammad
Mahjoub, day 65 for Hassan Almrei and Mahmoud Jaballah. The prison is
refusing to provide or permit daily medical monitoring - normally
recommended after 10 days of hungerstrike - thus the situation could become
critical at any moment.

We are therefore RENEWING OUR APPEAL to allies and friends internationally
to PLEASE DO ALL YOU can to put pressure on Canada's appalling and racist
treatment of Jaballah, Mahjoub and Almrei. This is not only about the lives
and dignity of these men and their families; in Canada, the struggle of
these migrants for dignity and justice has become a symbol of the struggle
against Canada's support for a racist system of global apartheid in the name
of "the war against terrorism" and "national security".

SPECIFICALLY, please send or deliver letters in a delegation to Canadian
embassies or consulates near you; call in to a Canadian embassy or
consulate in your region; organise a picket outside a Canadian
embassy or consulate; or seek press coverage of the situation in your local
media.

FOR MORE INFORMATION or to INFORM US OF AN ACTION: tasc@web.ca or 416 651
5800, abolissons@gmail.com or 514 222 0205.

BACKGROUND & UPDATES: www.homesnotbombs.ca/gitmonorthstrike.htm.
ALSO: www.peoplescommission.ath.cx, www.adilinfo.org,
htttp://zerra.net/freemohamed/news.php


==============

CALL FOR EMERGENCY ACTIONS at CANADIAN EMBASSIES
on WEDNESDAY, 7 February 2007

DAY 75 of HUNGER-STRIKES at CANADA'S "GUANTANAMO BAY" PRISON

"[They have a] refrigerator stocked with a variety of juices, soy milk,
honey and chocolate sauce." -- Canadian "Public Safety" Minister Stockwell
Day, asked on 2 February about the hunger-strike at Canada's Guantanamo Bay

Canada's Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness Minister seems to think
that human rights violations are okay as long as prisoners have access to
chocolate sauce. Canada has its own mini-version of Guantanamo bay, a new
six-cell prison that was opened in April 2006 specifically for immigrants
and refugees who are detained without charge or trial, under secret
evidence, indefinitely, under threat of deportation, to places where it has
been recognized that they are at risk of torture.

The three detainees - Mahmoud Jaballah, detained since August 2001, Hassan
Almrei, detained since October 2001, and Mahmoud Jaballah, detained since
June 2000 - have been held under Canada's draconian "security certificate"
process (see background below), on vague allegations that they may have
something to do with that increasingly meaningless but all-powerful label
"terrorism". They have never ceased to insist on their innocence and demand
a fair and open trial, which is no more than the legal right of every person
in Canada.

All three are currently on hungerstrike, demanding minor improvements to
their conditions of detention, amounting to being treated with some degree
of dignity. Their demands include access to an independent ombudsman to
receive complaints (something which exists at other prisons in Canada). The
Canadian government's response has been consistent with the way the
detainees and their families have been treated from the very beginning of
their ordeal: stony silence, callous denial, misinformation and outright
lies. The spirit is captured by the Minister of Public Safety's response to
a public appeal by family members - on day 70 of a potentially deadly
hungerstrike - that the prisoners have access to chocolate sauce in the
detention centre.

As of Wednesday, it will be day 75 for Mahjoub, and day 64 for Almrei and
Jaballah of a juice and water only hungerstrike. Because the men are even
being denied the daily medical monitoring that is standard in a hungerstrike
(see letter from almost 70 health professionals calling for medical
monitoring at www.homesnotbombs.ca/health.htm), the situation could become
life-threatening at any time.

==> WE ARE ASKING PEOPLE IN ALL PARTS OF THE WORLD TO ORGANIZE EMERGENCY
ACTIONS AT THE CANADIAN EMBASSY OR CONSULATE NEAREST YOU ON WEDNESDAY, 7
FEBRUARY. We believe that international pressure - particularly media
attention - could have a significant impact.

Actions could take the form of delegations to present letters to Canadian
officials, pickets, or theatrical media actions (orange jumpsuits and
chocolate sauce: chocolate sauce in Guantanmo! or Let Them Eat Chocolate
Sauce!) at Canadian consulates or embassies.

Actions should highlight the following demands:
1) Act immediately to find a solution to the hungerstrike before the men
die.
2) Release the five people who are currently subject to "security
certificates", or charge them and provide them a fair and open trial.
3) Close the new Kingston Immigration Holding Centre ("Guantanamo North"),
Abolish security certificates, and End deportations to torture.

==> PLEASE LET US KNOW at abolissons@gmail.com and tasc@web.ca or tel. + 1
514 222 0205 if you can carry out an action. We can supply background
material, model letters, and updates. It is very important that we receive
copies of any letters you write, reports on your actions, and media
coverage.


BACKGROUND INFORMATION

* For more updates on the hungerstrike:
www.homesnotbombs.ca/gitmonorthstrike.htm

* Open letter from the hungerstrikers:
www.homesnotbombs.ca/openletter.htm

* Links to reports by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, UN
Committee against Torture, UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, UN Human
Right Committee on Canadian security certificates:
www.adilinfo.org/dossier.htm.

The context of the hungerstrikes that have been repeatedly waged by the
detainees at Canada's "Guantanamo North" prison (the Kingston Immigration
Holding Centre) is the security certificate process under which these
prisoners are being held. The reason they are on hungerstrike, the reason
they will be on hungerstrike again in a few months - if they survive this
round - is that they are in indefinite, arbitrary detention under a threat
of deportation to torture. What makes the daily prison abuse to which they
are subject intolerable is that they are locked up for no reason at all,
that the imprisonment is indefinite, that they are threatened with torture,
and that they are rendered powerless to challenge the injustices and to
clear their names.

The security certificate process is set in motion when the Federal Minister
of Citizenship and Immigration and the Solicitor-General of Canada (that is,
the Minister of Public Safety), on the request of the Canadian Security
Intelligence Service (CSIS), sign a certificate. In the case of refugees,
this automatically means detention without bail until the certificate
undergoes a judicial review; a process which can take years. In the case of
Permanent Residents, there are detention reviews every six months.

The certificate is reviewed by a Federal Court judge in a process that has
been very widely criticised for failing to meet international standards of a
fair trial: by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch (Still at Risk:
Diplomatic Assurances no Safeguard against Torture, April 2005), the
Canadian Bar Association, the United Nations Human Rights Committee (2
November 2005, CCPR/C/CAN/CO/5), the United Nations Committee against
Torture (May 2005, CAT/C/CO/34/CAN), the UN Working Group on Arbitrary
Detention (5 December 2005, E/CN.4/2006/7/Add.2), Members of Parliament, as
well as a wide range of other organizations and individuals across the
country.

Briefly:
- the process applies ONLY to those without full citizenship in Canada and
so is discriminatory from the outset;
- information against the individual is secret - that is, it is not
disclosed either to the detainee nor their lawyer;
- closed hearings between the judge and the Ministers, without the
participation of the individual or their lawyer, can be held at any time;
- the presiding judge is restricted to assessing whether the allegations are
"reasonable", rather than "beyond all reasonable doubt";
- key terms (such as "national security", "terrorism" and "membership") are
simply undefined;
- hearsay (i.e. gossip) and other dubious information (newspaper articles,
information from foreign spy agencies) is accepted; and
- if the judge upholds the certificate, there is no appeal.

The certificate then becomes a deportation order. Though Canada's position -
completely contrary to international law - is that it has the right to
deport people on security grounds even if they face torture, the fact that
all current detainees face a substantial risk of torture has delayed their
deportation. In practice, this has translated to indefinite detention under
a continued threat of deportation to torture.

Security certificates are just the tip of the iceberg in terms of abuse
Canada metes out to migrants in the name of "national security". Refugees
can be subjected to similar treatment under other parts of Canada's
immigration law. Bachan Singh Sogi, for example, was deported on 1 July
2006, after spending almost four years in prison without charge under secret
evidence. The deportation was carried out on the grounds of national
security, but not under a security certificate. It went ahead despite a
positive assessment of "risk of torture" and "risk to life or risk of cruel
and unusual treatment or punishment" by Canada's own immigration officials
itself.

A constitutional challenge to the security certificate was heard by the
Supreme Court of Canada in June 2006. A decision is pending. A parliamentary
committee is also apparently in the process of reviewing the legislation.
But that has made no difference for the people currently deprived of their
liberty under a security certificate, nor for their families.

* Out under conditions:
- Mohamed Harkat, married, born in Algeria, was accepted as a convention
refugee in Canada before being arrested in December 2002. He was released
on bail under virtual house arrest in June 2006.
- Adil Charkaoui, married with three children, was born in Morocco and came
to Canada as a permanent resident with his mother, father and sister in
1995; he was arrested in May 2003 and released under harsh conditions in
February 2005.

* Detained in "Guantanamo North", the new detention facility for security
certificate detainees near Kingston, Ontario:
- Mohammad Mahjoub, married with two children, is a torture survivor from
Egypt who was accepted as a convention refugee in Canada in 1996. He was
arrested in June 2000 in Toronto. He was denied bail in November 2003 and
again in November 2005. He is waiting for a third decision on bail.
- Mahmoud Jaballah, married with six children, is a torture survivor from
Egypt and a school principal who arrived in Canada in 1996. He was arrested
under his second certificate in August 2001, days before his refugee
hearing. He is now waiting for a decision on his application for release on
bail.
- Hassan Almrei, born in Syria and accepted as convention refugee in June
2000, was arrested under a certificate in October 2001. He has been refused
bail twice.


Hungerstrike Support Committee (Montreal)
abolissons@gmail.com
tel. + 1 514 859 9023

Campaign to Stop Secret Trials in Canada (Toronto)
tasc@web.ca
tel. + 1 416 651 5800

Wednesday, February 07, 2007

Abu-Jamal addresses world death penalty conference


February 6, 2007

By Linn Washington Jr., Philadelphia Tribune

Paris, France - During the opening ceremony of the 3 rd World Congress
Against the Death Penalty in Paris last week - a session featuring top
diplomats and dignitaries - only one actual death row inmate addressed the
delegates from over 120 nations: Pennsylvania death row journalist Mumia
Abu-Jamal.

Abu-Jamal delivered brief remarks recorded from his Pa. death row cell that
echoed criticisms of the death penalty contained in the remarks by top
diplomats from France, Germany, Italy and the European Union. "Death row is
a web that catches only the poor. Race and poverty are excellent predictors
of who ends up on death row," said Abu-Jamal, recognized internationally as
a symbol against injustice yet considered simply a 'cop killer' by others.

Abu-Jamal criticized death penalty practices in the U.S., like regularly
assigning incompetent attorneys to defendants in capital cases. He praised
the Philippines for its recent abolition of the death penalty while pointing
out problems in nations like Kenya where the condemned languish for decades.

Most of the diplomats and dignitaries speaking during the Congress' opening
ceremony offered observations on death penalty inequities similar to those
offered by Abu-Jamal.

Thomas Hammarberg, Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe,
said the "death penalty always discriminates."

French President Jacques Chirac said, "the very concept of justice is
incompatible with the death penalty" in a letter to the Congress read by
France's Foreign Affairs Minister, Philippe Douste-Blazy.

The World Congress Against the Death Penalty, held at a university in Paris,
occurs at a time when the government of Italy is pushing the United Nations
to adopt a universal abolition against the death penalty and French
legislators are preparing to vote on a measure proposed by Chirac to place a
death penalty ban in that nation's constitution.

The countries with the most active death penalty are China, Iran, Saudi
Arabia and the United States, nations accounting for 96% of all recorded
executions last year, according to the presentation of Piers Bannister,
death penalty team Coordinator for Amnesty International.

Bannister authored Amnesty's 2000 report on the Abu-Jamal case, which
documented gross irregularities by police, prosecutors, the trial judge and
Pa. appellate court jurists in concluding that this Philadelphia born inmate
deserves a new trial.

Abu-Jamal is now in his 25th year on death row for the 1981 murder of
Philadelphia Police Officer Daniel Faulkner.

A hearing on the Abu-Jamal case is expected within the next few months
before the federal Third Circuit Court of Appeals, headquartered in
Philadelphia. This hearing could produce a new trial for the death row
journalist or reaffirm his death sentence.

"Abu-Jamal was sentenced to death during a trial whose standards face
international challenge," Mayor Catherine Peyge of Bobigny, France told
Congress delegates. "We have to tell our American friends to abolish the
death penalty."

Source : Philadelphia Tribune

http://www.phila-tribune.com/channel/inthenews/020607/AbuJamal.asp

Tuesday, February 06, 2007

The two anarchist hunger strikers are being released

After 70 days of hunger strike, for being detained awaiting trial
Athens Indymedia

All three detainees, arrested after the European Social Forum demonstration, on the 6th of May 2006, are being released after a decision by the Jurys' Council. They will be free under restrictions, still awaiting trial, to prove their innocence, as they claim.

Two out of the three detainees have been on a hunger strike since December, protesting against their 8-month imprisonment, which had been based on some obscure testimonies by policemen. Since Tarassio Zandarozni, has been on a hunger for 70 days and Yerassimos Kyriakopoulos for 54 days, they are in hospital as they have already had severe disturbance on their health [latest update].

Their official release is expected to be tomorrow early in the morning, after the decision is officially recorded. The two hunger strikers will gradually come back their nutrition and will stay in hospital until they recover.

"Behind the Bars of America" Radio Show

On a regular basis,  "Behind the Bars of America" will  give regular
political prisoner updates, provide listeners with information about
upcoming events, discuss occupied territory, colonization and
imperialism. Conferences and protests will also be aired and covered
live. The Patriot Act, police brutality and the prison Industrial
Complex will be frames of reference throughout the show on an ongoing
basis. Women in prison, black communities both in prison and out
who are grossly underrepresented in the mainstream media will be
given a voice. Music and do it yourself cds will be promoted.
Politcal social prisoner updates will be aired. We need
To Oppose THE NEW WAR ON DISSENT!

Join us on Killradio.org with Dj Blind Chaos, hosting Behind The
Bars of America from 12 noon until 1 o'clock Tuesday American time.
If you can't listen, click on the archives on the website and
download the show at a later date. This show Tuesday February 6 2007
is dedicated in honor to Black History month and in support of Mumia
Abujamal being free from Death row. This show will feature comments
against capital punishment by prison abolitionists, including Angela
Davis, Rachelle Mcgee jailhouse lawyer and others. We will also be
crossing over to Australia where we will be providing coverage about
the G20 protests. We will be discussing later on in the show the
LEGACY OF TORTURE and the The War Against the Black Liberation Movement,
with an event coming up in late February. This is an opportunity to
support former black panthers who have been arrested recently.

Update on Bashir Hameed


As of today, Feb. 5, 2007, Bashir is still on lockdown, pending a hearing on the "political contraband" found in his cell, which includes some pictures from the 35th Anniversary Reunion of the BPP and some writings by the New Black Panther Party. Of course, all of this had already gone through the prison mail system before Bashir received it.

Please keep up the calls and letters, and remember to stress that Bashir
needs his monthly checkups and bloodwork following his open heart surgery.
While the prison apparently does not have the time to provide Bashir with
needed medical care, they obviously DO have the time to harass him.

Great Meadow Correctional Facility
11739 State Route 22, P.O. Box 51
Comstock, New York 12821-0051
(518) 639-5516 (Washington County)

Bashir Hameed/York #82-A-6313,
Great Meadow Correctional Facility
Box 51
Comstock, New York 12821

Greetings Friends

I received a call from a friend of Bashir Hameed early this a.m. 1/20/07.
He said that "last night (1/19/07) when Bashir was at prayer his cell was
turned out and his papers were confiscated and when he returned he was
locked down in his cell and notified that the guards had found and taken
"political contraband" from his cell."

This is the third time since Bashir has been in Comstock prison that the
prison administration ordered a raid on his cell and charged him with
having "Polical Contraband" -papers- in his cell.

We are asking that you call the prison and ask what is meant by "political
contraband" and if they have the time to raid his cell why don't they have
the time to give him his monthly checkup's and blood work since his open
heart surgery?

Great Meadow Correctional Facility
11739 State Route 22, P.O. Box 51
Comstock, New York 12821-0051
(518) 639-5516 (Washington County)

For more information call NYC Jericho at 718-853-0893

New San Francisco 8 flyer available

Feel free to download and distribute our two-page "Resist Repression" flyer. It's a PDF file, front and back, designed in black and white for easy printing and copying. Download now.

Committee for the Defense of Human Rights
P.O. Box 90221
Pasadena, CA 91109
(626) 345-4939
CDHR_RIGHT [at] hotmail [dot] com

Audio from Josh Wolf Press Conference


Independent journalist Josh Wolf spent his 169th day in jail today,

setting a new record for the longest imprisoned journalist
in US history. Josh is being held in contempt of court for
refusing to release unedited video footage to a grand jury
investigating a political demonstration against the G8 held
in San Francisco in June 2005. The following audio was
recorded at a press conference on the steps of San
Francisco City Hall.

Mp3 Audio 34 minutes (6mb at 24k)

http://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2007/02/06/18358344.php

Monday, February 05, 2007

Help to Free an Innocent Man

From: info@freepeltiernow.org

Friends of Peltier Home Page: http://www.FreePeltierNow.org. "You are the message," Leonard says. And each of us is an "Army of One." This concept, as it touches one's conscience, effectively motivates persons to act as individuals on Leonard Peltier's behalf. Now, however, a legion is required. Maybe two. We must be Leonard's Legions--hundreds of thousands of supporters in solidarity worldwide. We must unite in one purpose, speak with one voice: Free Peltier NOW! Visit us often to learn about efforts to win Leonard's freedom and find out how you can help.

Time to set him free... Because it's the RIGHT thing to do.

Friends of Peltier

Next Sat. 14th Annual NW Leonard Peltier March


From: Tacoma LPSG

As individual fingers we can easily be broken, but all together we make a mighty fist.

-- Sitting Bull

14th ANNUAL NW REGIONAL

INTERNATIONAL DAY OF SOLIDARITY FOR

LEONARD PELTIER

MARCH & RALLY FOR JUSTICE

SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 10th, 2007, TACOMA, WA.

12:00 NOON: MARCH FOR JUSTICE Portland Ave. Park (on Portland Ave. between E. 35th & E. Fairbanks. Take Portland Ave. exit off I-5 and head east)

1:00 PM: RALLY FOR JUSTICE U.S. Federal Court House, 1717-Pacific Ave.

Performances by:

The Aztec Dancers

United Nations: Native Rap Activists

Albert Combs

Speakers:

Matilaja: Yu’Pik/Yakama, Tacoma LPSG: M.C.

Robert Robideau: Co-Director of the LPDC and Co Defendant

Shelly Vendiola: Indigenous Women’s Network

Steve Hapy: Tacoma Leonard Peltier Support Group

Arthur J. Miller, Tacoma Leonard Peltier Support Group

David Duenas: Puyallup

Juan Jose Bocanegra: Every Worker’s Movement

Frank Reynolds: Native American Coalition

Bill Bichsel: Catholic Worker, JWJ

Zoltan Grossman: Olympia Movement for Justice and Peace, Faculty Evergreen's Native American Studies

CARAVANS/CAR POOLS

SEATTLE CAR POOL: Meet at the Red Apple parking lot at 23rd and Jackson. Will be leaving at 10:00 am.

OLYMPIA: There will be a carpool leaving from the parking lot at Harrison and Division at 10:30.

EUGENE: Drivers and people needing rides meet at the Grower's Market parking lot (454 Willamette, by the Amtrak station) at 7:30 am. (The Eugene Caravan will be meeting up with the Portland Caravan).

PORTLAND: Drivers and people needing rides, meet in the main parking lot (entrance just north of Killingworth from Albina, parking lot entrance on the right, behind the student services building) at PCC Cascade Campus at 9:30 am.

BUS INFORMATION: FROM SEATTLE: Bus #594 at 2nd and University, downtown Seattle, at 10:41 am. Get off at the Tacoma Dome Station. Either walk north to Portland Ave take a right and walk up to Portland Ave Park which is on the left. Or take the Portland Ave Bus. For more information go to piercetransit.org.

PARKING: If you can come early, 11:30 am, we organize cars to be moved up by the rally site. Or a good place to park is at the Tacoma Dome Station and either walk or take the Portland Ave bus to Portland Ave Park and in returning take the trolley or any bus going back to the Tacoma Dome Station. Back to Portland Ave Park you can take the Portland Ave bus across the street from the rally, at 3:43 pm.

These are very important times for Leonard Peltier. A new lawsuit has been filed to get all the documents the government has withheld. There are many parallels between Leonard’s case & the war in Iraq. Both were created upon the foundation of lies. In time many of the fabrications were revealed. In both cases the government resisted releasing documents that revealed the truth. Behind both are the same reasons for what took place, the interests of multi-national energy corporations. This year our call is for: PEACE WITH JUSTICE & TRUTH! FREE THE DOCUMENTS!

We need help getting the word out for this event. Please forward this and other messages we send out to web sites, blogs, e-mail lists, organizations and friends. If you can help handout fliers or post fliers and posters please send your mailing address to: bayou@blarg.net

WE HAVE E-MAIL FLIERS. We have e-mail fliers, both in color and black and white, we can send to you. Please send a request to: bayou@blarg.net.

VIDEO: We need folks to videotape the march and rally. Thhe video of our events are used by supporters around the country. We also need photographs. Please send copies to: Tacoma LPSG<>

WE NEED DONATIONS. We are a grassroots organization with no outside funding. All our donations for our marches for the last 14 years have come from supporters like you. Any amount helps. All money donated goes to printing and mailing.

(Donations Needed! Please send to:)

Tacoma Leonard Peltier Support Group

P.O. BOX 5464

TACOMA, WA 98415-0464

bayou@blarg.net

For up-dates and notices on helping Leonard Peltier please sign up on the NW Peltier Support e-mail list by sending an e-mail to: nwpeltiersupport-subscribe@lists.riseup.net.

Pamphlet About the Panther Eight

From kersplebedeb's blog http://sketchythoughts.blogspot.com

There is a pamphlet that can be used by people organizing around the
former Panthers arrested last week, up at
http://www.kersplebedeb.com/resistrepression.pdf

More information about the Panther 8 at http://www.cdhrsupport.org

Sunday, February 04, 2007

Support anarchist anti-fascist arrested in Krasnodar, Russia

From ainfos.ca Sat, 03 Feb 2007

In may of 2004, Vahtang Devitlidze, anarchist and member of
Federation of Revolutionary Anarchists, was hanging in centre of
Krasnodar with two friends. They ran to a group of local Nazis, and
soon a fight broke out. There was no choice - in order to defend
himself, Vahtang had to pull a knife. As a result, he wounded one of
the attackers to leg, while he was also hospitalized with less
serious wounds himself. Already when a fight was over, police showed
up and arrested people. Eventually in court Vahtang was given a
probational sentence of 2.5 years, for "Causing grievous bodily harm"
(second part of statute 111 of Russian criminal codex). He did not
felt like submitting to probational regime, and escaped to Belarus.
But once when visiting his family in Krasnodar, he got arrested and
was sent to a low-security prison for the remainder of his sentence.
He escaped from prison, but was caught again and heavily beaten up.
In summer of 2006 court sent Vahtang to a normal prison for remainder
of his sentence.

Anarchists in Krasnodar are raising money to support Vahtang in
prison, as in Russian prison relatives and friends of prisoners have
to feed them. In his letters Vahtang is in good spirits and is doing
his sentence without problems.

You may write to Vahtang to following address, but keep in mind that
he does not speak any other languages except Russian - so if you do
not speak Russian, send stuff like photos and drawings instead.

Vahtang Devitlidze
ul. Libbedova 42, UO 68/2,
otryad 14, brigada 142,
g. Hagyshensk, Krasnodarskiy Kray
352680 Russia

Autonomous Action of Krasnodar

Feb. 21st-NYTimes Picket for the Cuban 5


PICKET THE NY TIMES!!

The New York Times still hasn’t published an article
on the Cuban 5!!WE HAVE TO GO BACK. IT IS TIME TO PICKET
THE NEW YORK TIMES AGAIN!!

Wed. Feb. 21st, 2007 at 5pm
The New York Times Building
229 West 43rd St.
(btwn. Broadway and 8th Ave.)

We CANNOT allow the New York Times to continue to ignore the Cuban 5!!

Over 300 people have signed petitions and sent letters demanding that the
New York Times publish an article on the Cuban 5, yet we have seen nothing!!

It is time to go back downtown and knock on their doors!! WE WILL NOT REST
UNTIL WE SEE AN ARTICLE PUBLISHED ON THE CUBAN 5!!

If the Washington Post, USA Today, The LA Times and the Daily News can cover
the Cuban 5, then so can they!!

BRING YOUR FLAGS, PLACARDS AND NOISEMAKERS!!
_______________________________________________________________________________

NEW YORK TIMES PETITION FOR THE CUBAN 5

"NEW YORK TIMES COVER THE CUBAN 5!!", was one of many slogans over 60
activists chanted a month ago in front of the New York Times Building!! The
New York Times has continued to ignore the people's demand to publish an
article on the Cuban 5.

In response to President Alarcon's call for a second international period of
time to raise awareness for the Cuban 5 (Dec. 12th-27th), The Popular
Education Project to Free the Cuban 5 has organized the following
initiatives:

Sign our INTERNATIONAL petition to demand that the New York Times publish an
article on the Cuban 5: http://www.thepetitionsite.com/takeaction/846703346

Our goal is to reach 1000 signatures!! GET THIS PETITION OUT TO ALL YOUR
FRIENDS, FAMILY, THROUGHOUT YOUR LISTS, ORGANIZATIONS AND ADDRESS BOOKS!!

The Popular Education Project to Free the Cuban 5
http://www.freethecuban5.com
freethecubanfive@hotmail.com and freethecuban5@gmail.com
Free the Cuban 5 Hotline: 718-601-4751
_______________________________________________________________________________

The Popular Education Project February 2007 Newsletter:
http://www.freethecuban5.com/JF5February2007.pdf
______________________________________________________________________________

First US officer since Vietnam goes on trial for speaking out


Eager recruit turned critic faces military prison after refusing to fight

Suzanne Goldenberg in Washington
Saturday February 3, 2007

Lieutenant Ehren Watada gives a speech last year, after deciding not to serve in Iraq. His actions have made him a hero of the anti-war movement.

On the eve of America's invasion of Iraq, he was heartsick at the prospect that he might not be military material. He even shelled out $800 for medical tests to convince the recruiters that he was fit for duty despite childhood asthma that would ordinarily render him ineligible for service.

On Monday, that same eager recruit, now Lieutenant Ehren Watada, faces a court martial for refusing to deploy to Iraq and for making public statements against the war. He is the first officer to be prosecuted for publicly criticising the war - indeed the first since the Vietnam era when an army captain was court martialled for addressing an anti-war demonstration outside the US embassy in London. If he is convicted on all charges, Lt Watada could spend four years in a military prison.

Article continues
In that trajectory from eager recruit through disillusion to dissent is a transformation that mirrors and resonates with an American public at a point when it too has turned against the country's involvement in Iraq, making Lt Watada a hero of the anti-war movement.

His prosecution was also seen as an issue of free speech after two journalists were subpoenaed to testify against Lt Watada on two additional charges. Those charges were dropped this week. Lt Watada, 28, argues that to serve in Iraq would betray his conscience and his duties as an officer. "It would be a violation of my oath because this war to me is illegal in the sense that it was waged in deception, and it was also in violation of international law," he told the Guardian. "Officers and leaders have that responsibility to speak out for the enlisted and certainly when we do so it comes with more consequences, which is what a leader should do. A leader can't just go with the crowd."

Lt Watada decided a year ago that he would not serve in Iraq. Since then he has spoken out at press conferences and to veterans' groups. These actions infuriated military officials, who have charged him with conduct unbecoming an officer for publicly saying that service in Iraq would make him party to a war crime, and for suggesting that soldiers could bring the war to an end by throwing down their weapons.

Lt Watada is not the first soldier to voice his objections to the war in Iraq. A number of enlisted men have publicly refused to serve there, citing conscientious objection. Thirteen have sought refugee status in Canada. Thousands more have gone awol. Last year, six senior generals, including some who had served in the invasion and occupation of Iraq, demanded that Donald Rumsfeld, then Pentagon chief, stand down.

But Lt Watada is in none of those camps and he does not claim to be a conscientious objector. He decided to go public with his opposition to the war, a choice his civilian lawyer, Eric Seitz, believes singled out Lt Watada for prosecution. "They decided at a lower level to make an example out of Lt Watada," he said. "It was this kind of questioning and resistance that ended up destroying the ability of military forces to fight in Vietnam and they are very concerned about a repetition of that."

Lt Watada's objections to the war are unlikely to be aired at his court martial. The judge has narrowed the scope of the trial and refused defence witnesses.

The Pentagon maintains that Lt Watada gave up his right to free speech when he put on the uniform. "As a soldier you are held to a different standard. You can't go and say things that are going to offend the order and discipline of the military," said Joseph Piek, a spokesman at Fort Lewis, Washington, where Lt Watada is to stand trial. "Soldiers understand that you can't divorce yourself from being a soldier."

That view is also shared by the retired generals who spoke out last year.

"He is wearing the uniform," said General John Batiste, who left the army in protest at Mr Rumsfeld's leadership. Lt Watada's criticism falls into a different category because he was still on active duty. "Discipline is fundamental in a military organisation and officers swear to support and defend the constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic, and obey the officers appointed over them."

Lt Watada would not have envisaged his collision with army doctrine when he joined the military in March 2003 after finishing college in his native Hawaii. A former boy scout, he had always wanted to join the army - an ambition that did not change with the prospect of war in Iraq. "Certainly I joined the military already knowing that we were about to enter a war in which there was some notable opposition," Lt Watada said. "But when the administration comes out and says the threat was imminent and that Saddam has weapons of mass destruction and that he has ties to al-Qaida and therefore he has the means to attack us at any point, I remember telling my father: 'You know, we should give them the benefit of the doubt.'"

He shipped out to South Korea in June of that year. By the time his unit returned to the US in June 2005, American public opinion had already begun to turn against the war. But Lt Watada's conversion did not start until several months later when he began reading up on Iraq in preparation for a tour of duty.

"It was so shocking to me. I guess I had heard about WMD and that we made a terrible, terrible mistake," he said. "Mistakes can happen but to think that it was deliberate and that a careful deception was done on the American people - you just had to question who you are as a serviceman, as an American."

Early last year, Lt Watada took his doubts to his commanding officer, hoping he would be allowed to retire quietly. He also offered to serve in Afghanistan. Both options were refused although the military did offer him a safe berth in Iraq - which he turned down.

Lt Watada accepts that refusing orders on the battlefield would lead to chaos. "In a pitched battle of course you can't have soldiers saying 'oh, no I don't feel like covering that sector right now.'" But he refuses to believe that the dissent of a junior officer would destroy army morale, or threaten control of America's military, and he was not willing to wait until he was out of uniform to speak out. Someone had to speak out, he argues.

"Everybody is scared there is going to be a coup if the military does not bow down to civilian control, but that does not mean to bow down blindly," he said.

"A general can still resign in protest publicly, and not be subverting civilian control. He can be sending a message, and I think it would be a huge message if it was someone on active duty. But these guys wait until they retire and their pension is secure."

He added: "I wish it didn't have to be me. I wish the generals hadn't put me in this position."

Letter writing to the Judge for Daniel McGowan update!

We have heard from the lawyers that they have received a lot of 
letters to the Judge on Daniel's behalf. Please, if you have not
written one, please consider helping out Green Scare defendant Daniel
McGowan by writing a letter to the Judge concerning his sentence.

You may ask, why me? I dont know Daniel. Well, you may not but its
still important to write one. Chances are you know about the case or
about Daniel from the numerous myspace bulletin posts or website.
There is plenty to write about even if you never met Daniel but you
do have strong feelings and opinions about activists being labeled as
'terrorists' when their actions did not harm anyone. Or maybe you
have read a lot about Daniel's work with political prisoners, against
domestic violence, counter recruitment, really really free markets
etc and feel affinity for him as a person.

We are asking for you to write a one page, polite and sincere letter
to help him out. Do not underestimate the power of community support.
Our goal is to bring Daniel home as soon as possible and for him to
return to a life of advocacy and activism as well as being a
valuable member of his community.

thank you,
family and friends of daniel mcgowan


Guidelines for Letters to Judge Aiken in Support of Daniel McGowan

Daniel McGowan will be sentenced by Judge Ann Aiken probably sometime
in the Spring. Daniel’s lawyers will submit a detailed memorandum
prior to sentencing, along with letters from family members, friends,
colleagues, and other supporters. Please refer to these guidelines
if you are writing a letter to Judge Aiken on Daniel’s behalf. Send
it to his lawyers at the address below.

Examples of Things to Write About – Choose Only What is Right for You

* How you met Daniel and how you know him (through school, work,
mutual friends, prisoner support work, etc.); how long you have known
Daniel.
* What you know about Daniel’s character, his reputation in the
community; personal experiences you have had with him that illustrate
important aspects of his character.
* What you know about Daniel’s relationship with his family, his
wife, and his close friends – the people who will be his personal
support when he is in prison and when he is released. Describe for
the judge how these people will assist him through these difficult
times.
* How you personally will be able to help Daniel get back to a normal
life when he is released from prison, whether it is through helping
him to pursue his education, remain employed, or establish a home.
* Examples, from your personal knowledge, of what Daniel has done in
his life to help others, whether it is through activist work,
charitable work, work for non-profit organizations, or personally
helping you or someone you know with something. Specific examples of
Daniel’s contributions to charitable, community, and non-profit
organizations are helpful.
* Examples, from your personal knowledge, of how Daniel demonstrates
what he believes in, whether it is by arranging Really, Really Free
Markets, collecting electronic gear to recycle, or volunteering for
causes he supports.
* The Judge may consider whether Daniel is likely to commit another
crime. If you have specific reasons to share with the Judge to
demonstrate why you believe that Daniel is unlikely to commit another
crime, please explain those in your letter.
* The Judge may consider whether Daniel has shown that, after the
crimes were committed, his conduct demonstrated rehabilitation. If
you have specific examples of his conduct, between July of 2001 and
December 2005 that you feel the Judge should know about that show
Daniel has engaged in significant rehabilitation from the time he
committed the crimes, please explain those in your letter.
* The Judge may consider whether to sentence Daniel as a “terrorist”
under certain provisions of federal law and sentencing guidelines.
While this is largely a technical legal issue that the lawyers will
write about, you may wish to write to the Judge about how Daniel’s
case compares to other crimes and incidents that you are personally
aware of that either have or have not been treated as “terrorist”
incidents.

There may be other things you may wish to say to the judge as well.
Our suggestions are just that – suggestions. Please make sure you
write in a polite, respectful manner to the Judge.

What Not to Write About
Some topics are simply not helpful subjects of discussion in a letter
to the Court related to sentencing. We ask that you not justify or
rationalize the incidents. We ask that you not compare Daniel to
others who have entered pleas and who are also facing sentencing or
to those who have not been arrested or are fugitives.

Address Your Letter To:
Judge Ann Aiken
U.S. District Court
Eugene, Oregon

MAIL YOUR LETTER TO:
Andrea Crabtree
Schroeter Goldmark & Bender
810 Third Avenue, Suite 500
Seattle, Washington 98104
Please, do NOT mail your letter to Judge Aiken. After you have signed
the letter, MAIL IT TO THE LAWYERS' office. They will deliver all
of the correspondence to the Judge at one time, along with other
sentencing materials.

DEADLINE:Please get letters to the lawyers no later than February 15, 2007.

Questions? Email friendsofdanielmcg@Yahoo.com or call/e-mail Amanda
Lee at (206) 622-8000 or lee@sgb-law.com

Saturday, February 03, 2007

Police try to link Lecce Defendants to FAInformale

ELP has just received the following update about the Italian Lecce
Defendants trial.

=======

Update Nottetempo

The hearing held on January 25 was once again focused on the
depositions of witnesses for the prosecution: the managers of
Benetton shops in Lecce, which had been targets of anarchist demos in
solidarity to the Mapuche people, and the Digos chiefs from Viterbo
and Turin. The latter’s statement was particularly astonishing: first
he made a connection between the anarchist paper ‘Tempi di guerra’
(‘correspondences of the struggle against the detention camps for
immigrants and the world that produces them’) and a few incendiary
attacks recently carried out in Turin; then he boasted that
anarchists can be divided in two categories: those who practice
direct actions and belong to the FAI (Anarchist Informal Federation)
and those who do not practise it. He also revised the thesis of
anarchist ‘subversive associations’ aimed at committing acts of
terrorism.

The next hearing will take place on February 8.

Friday, February 02, 2007

Mail Not Getting to Prisoners at FCI Tucson

Break The Chains Listserve

For the last few weeks there have been obvious problems with mail
getting to the prisoners at FCI Tucson, as there is a new
high-security opening up right across the street from where Rod is.
(The guard working last week said that it will house about 1,500
folks, but they are expecting it to go over capacity immediately with
up to 2,500, triple bunking them, she sd.... that means riots and
discomfort). A lot of the staff from FCI Tucson is being designated
to help there instead of fulfilling the duties at FCI. Unfortunately
for the prisoners, this means somethings are absolutely gone, like
mail service. It is against the law for mail service to be affected
by the staffing problems, and the prisoners are getting very
frustrated, sad, and neglected because they are filing complaints and
no one is responding.

I urge anyone who has written to Rod, or would like to, please raise
this issue to someone who CAN make an impact. Contact the post
master general in Tucson at 800-275-8777. The complaint should state
that your letters are not being received by Rod Coronado who is being
held at FCI Tucson, and this problem has been going on for weeks now.

Let them know that this is illegal, and needs to be fixed.
It probably wouldn't hurt to state why the mail is being denied...
staffing problems).

Fortunately Rod has a network to spread this message, but in reality,
it is helping all of those who are being held and denied one of the
last lifelines they have to the outside world.

Rod said that normally at mail call there are at least 10-12 letters
per day in his unit, lately there has been none, or no mail call at
all.

Please take the minutes out of you day today to call and let them
know you expect the mail service to resume.

Peter Young Released


Peter Young was released from prison today after serving a two year sentence for liberating mink in the midwest U.S. in. Thank you all for your continued support over the last few years. We will release more information and a statement from Peter soon.

In the meantime, please don't forget about the other animal liberation activists serving time in prison!

Thursday, February 01, 2007

U.S. loses 20-year attempt to deport 2 immigrants

An immigration judge criticizes federal conduct in the case against the pair, both legal residents, accused of terrorist ties.

By Henry Weinstein, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
January 31, 2007

A federal immigration judge has dismissed the government's attempt to deport two men who were arrested along with six other U.S. residents because of their alleged ties to Palestinian terrorists and who fought relentless efforts to force them to leave the country for 20 years.

Judge Bruce E. Einhorn of Los Angeles, in a ruling made public Tuesday, said the government had violated the constitutional rights of Khader M. Hamide and Michel I. Shehadeh by its "gross failure" to comply with his instructions to produce "potentially exculpatory and other relevant information."

In a scathing decision, Einhorn said the government's conduct in the case was "an embarrassment to the rule of law" that left "a festering wound on" Hamide and Shehadeh, who have been in legal and personal limbo for two decades.

The two men, both longtime legal residents of the United States, are part of a group that was dubbed "the L.A. 8" after the government launched attempts to deport them in January 1987. All eight denied that they were members of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, or PFLP, a radical offshoot of the Palestine Liberation Organization that has taken credit for airline hijackings and car bombings in the Middle East.

Hamide and Shehadeh, as well as the others, steadfastly maintained that they were being persecuted even though their political activities ­ distributing newspapers, participating in demonstrations, assisting Palestinians with human rights and medical needs, raising money for hospitals, youth clubs and day-care centers ­ were lawful.

Einhorn's ruling "is a great decision that really vindicates what we have said all along," a jubilant Hamide said in an interview Tuesday. "The government spent millions of dollars and thousands of hours trying to deport us, and the only things they ever accused us of were constitutionally protected activity.

"The government should drop this case and leave us alone to lead normal lives ­ if there is such a thing after a case like this ­ and pursue real terrorists," said Hamide, 52, who lives in Chino Hills and is in the coffee distribution business.

Shehadeh, 50, said he was "feeling very, very good about the decision. This might be the moment we have been waiting for, for the last 20 years, a moment of relief and vindication."

But Shehadeh, who lives in Oregon, where one of his sons is in college, quickly added, "Another side of me is still cautious. After 20 years it becomes ingrained in you…. This might not be the end of it."

And indeed it might not be. The government has not said whether it will appeal the decision. A Justice Department spokesman said the agency had no comment. The Department of Homeland Security declined to comment.

Prosecutors never filed criminal charges against any of the eight. Late last year, Aiad Barakat, another member of the L.A. 8, was sworn in as a U.S. citizen in Los Angeles. Three other members of the L.A. 8 have obtained permanent residency. One member of the group is still seeking that status, and the other has returned to the West Bank city of Bethlehem.

Over two decades, the immigrants won a number of key decisions, including one from the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals in 1998 that held that the Constitution does not permit "guilt by association." That court ruled that the deportation of Hamide and Shehadeh could not go forward unless the government showed that the men intended to support the "illegal group goals of the PFLP."

But government lawyers twice persuaded Congress to change laws and make them retroactive in an effort to be able to deport the two men, said San Francisco attorney Marc Van Der Hout of the National Lawyers Guild, who has represented them for 20 years.

The two sides stipulated to Einhorn that the PFLP "engaged in terrorist activities" from 1984 to 1986, but also provided day care, healthcare and Social Security services as well as cultural events.

This week's ruling was the second time Einhorn threw out the case. The judge said that the government missed the deadline for turning over exculpatory information by nine months and that even then its response was inadequate.

The judge said the government's conduct was particularly troubling given how long the case had taken and the nature of the charges.

"A reasonable argument could be made that if Hamide and Shehadeh have engaged in terrorist activity, particularly in the context of today's world, then the government would be prepared to move heaven and Earth ­ not to mention some mounds of paper ­ to complete the trial and deportation" of the duo.

In particular, Einhorn blasted John H. Clarkson III, assistant general counsel of the National Security Branch of the FBI, for responses to the court that were a "misuse of black-letter law," a reference to legal principles that are not disputable.

Einhorn said the government had broad but not unlimited powers in immigration matters.

"While this court may be one of limited jurisdiction, it is not an impotent institution," Einhorn wrote.

If there were no consequences for the government's failure to discharge its court-ordered responsibilities, it would mean that an immigration judge would be "reduced to the status of Blanche Dubois, who must rely on the kindness of strangers," he wrote, referring to the character in Tennessee Williams' play "A Streetcar Named Desire."

"Judge Einhorn's decision is important not only for Hamide and Shehadeh, but for all immigrants in this country who want to be able to express their political views," Van Der Hout said.

"The decision makes clear that the government cannot blatantly refuse to comply with an immigration judge's orders and that the government cannot continue to try to deport these permanent residents who did nothing but try to advocate for Palestinians' right to a homeland ­ hardly a revolutionary belief in the 21st century."

Added Georgetown University law professor David Cole, who has been co-lead counsel for the L.A. 8, on behalf of the Center for Constitutional Rights, since the case began: "For 20 years the government has been attempting to deport these individuals for political activities that would clearly be protected if they were U.S. citizens. We hope that the government will now move on and focus its efforts on real terrorists and not political activists."

German furore over release of 70s guerrillas


By Noah Barkin
Reuters 30 January 2007

Nearly 30 years have passed since Dirk Schleyer's father was kidnapped and murdered by the Red Army Faction (RAF), a violent group of young revolutionaries that terrorised West Germany in the 1970s and 80s.

But his voice still quakes with anger as he reflects on one of the darkest chapters in the country's post-war history and contemplates the possibility that his father's killers could soon be released from prison.

"These people haven't even shown remorse," Schleyer, 54, told Reuters. "It's all very tough for my entire family."

Earlier this month, federal prosecutors filed a request for the release of Brigitte Mohnhaupt, a leading RAF member who was sentenced to life in prison in 1985 for her role in the murders of leading German establishment figures, including industrialist Hanns Martin Schleyer.

The move, which comes as President Horst Koehler considers a pardon for Mohnhaupt's former colleague Christian Klar, has sparked a furious debate in Germany pitting outraged relatives of the RAF's victims against politicians who say the killers have done their time
and no longer pose a threat to society.

At the heart of the controversy is the country's readiness to draw a line under a turbulent period of violence and paranoia which shook West Germany's nascent democracy to its core.

The RAF, also known as the "Baader-Meinhof Gang" after founders Andreas Baader and Ulrike Meinhof, rose from the student protests of the late 1960s and the anti-Vietnam war movement.

Its members started by experimenting in alternative lifestyles in the "free love" communes of West Berlin and Hamburg before turning violent in a coordinated campaign of assassinations, kidnappings and bombings against the German elite and U.S. military personnel.

Supported by about a quarter of Germans in its early years, the group became less ideological and more pragmatic as the years went by as it sought the release of jailed comrades and secured funds through armed robberies.

"The group tapped into deep German anxieties about the health and legitimacy of postwar German democracy," said Jeremy Varon, a professor of history at Drew University in the U.S. state of New Jersey and author of a book on the RAF.

"Opponents of the RAF feared they might destabilise the new democracy in the same way Communists and the Nazis destabilised Weimar."

The group, which announced it was disbanding in 1998, is suspected of killing 34 people between 1972 and 1991. Some 26 RAF members died during that period and another 26 were sentenced to life in prison.

Many of them, mostly secondary members, have since been released or pardoned and now work as teachers, accountants, filmmakers and journalists -- some under assumed names. Only four, including Mohnhaupt and Klar, remain incarcerated.

Mohnhaupt, 57, was a prominent member of a second generation of RAF members who continued the class war after Baader and Meinhof were caught and committed suicide.

She and Klar, who have each spent over 24 years behind bars, were involved in the murders of Dresdner Bank head Juergen Ponto and federal prosecutor Siegfried Buback, who was shot in April 1977 while waiting at a traffic light in his car.

Their most public victim was Schleyer, a former Nazi party member, who was president of West Germany's powerful employers' association in the 1970s and an object of ridicule for the left, who denounced him as a caricature of the "arch-capitalist pig".

Dragged out of his car by masked assailants in September 1977, he was held hostage for over a month as the RAF demanded the release of jailed comrades at Stuttgart's Stammheim prison.

A black-and-white photograph of an exhausted-looking Schleyer with a hand-written slogan "prisoner for 31 days" became an iconic image of 1970s West Germany. Behind him on a white wall is the RAF's symbol of a star and a rifle.

Schleyer was executed in a forest in France. The identity of the RAF member who shot him remains a mystery.

"The worst part is that we still don't know who pulled the trigger, who the actual murderer was," Schleyer's son Dirk said. "This will remain a mystery if Mohnhaupt and Klar are released. We'll never know, we'll never know."

One of the chief arguments of those who want Mohnhaupt and Klar to remain in prison is that neither has ever publicly expressed remorse for their crimes.

German media report that Mohnhaupt still views the RAF as her life. Klar has refused to talk to the press since giving an interview in 2001 in which he said remorse was "not an issue in the context of our battle".

Der Spiegel magazine reported at the weekend, however, that Klar wrote to then-President Johannes Rau in 2003 acknowledging his guilt and regret for the suffering of his victims.

Many of those in Germany who support the release of Klar and Mohnhaupt say the issue of remorse is secondary. For them, the prisoners no longer pose a security risk and will have soon served the minimum term for a life sentence under German law.

"The prisoners should have the chance for a new life," said Hans-Christian Stroebele, a leading member of the Greens party who as a lawyer once defended RAF members. "The victims' arguments are understandable, but they must be treated like any other criminals. True remorse cannot be forced."

Varon, of Drew University, says the legal arguments mask the true nature of a debate, which at its roots, he says, is about German political reconciliation.

"What we're seeing is a recognition by the German justice system that the wounds need to be healed and not allowed to fester," he said.

A court in Stuttgart will make a final decision on Mohnhaupt's release in the first half of February. Klar's sentence means he will be behind bars until at least 2009 unless he receives a pardon from Koehler before that.

Gangs & Racial Stereotypes in Long Beach Hate Trial

Davey D's Hip Hop Blog
by Earl Ofari Hutchinson

When the tall thin black teen with a ponytail took the stand to testify in his defense, the prosecutor loudly shouted at him from across the courtroom, "You're a naughty nasty gangster Crip." His attorney hit the roof and the judge admonished the prosecutor to tone it down.

But the charge that Anthony Ross is a predatory gang member hung heavy in the courtroom air. Ross is the sole male defendant in the Long Beach Hate Crimes trial in which he and nine teen black teen girls are charged with beating three white women on Halloween night in Long Beach, California. The trial drew national attention when prosecutors slapped the teens with an added racially motivated hate crime charge.

But the added tag on Ross as a violent gangster raised yet another troubling issue in the explosive, racially charged case. That issue is whether black males are reflexively typed as gang members no matter their background. Ross is a clean-cut young man with no prior criminal record. There's no hint, other than the prosecutor's name calling, that he's had any gang involvement. The prosecutor's gang affiliation accusation could be easily dismissed as a routine case of a prosecutor engaging in courtroom theatrics to score points with the judge and to get a conviction.

But it's much more than that. The gang label is a legal tactic that more prosecutors are using in courtrooms across the country to help win convictions against young black male defendants especially in murder and assault cases. They haven't stopped with simply gang typecasting. They use violent rap lyrics found on or written by black defendants to also gain convictions. The prosecutor went one better with Ross. She cited his MySpace page and insisted that the letters in his space name were a secret code for Crip Killer.

Prosecutors say rap lyrics, and in the case of Ross's MySpace name, show their gang affiliation, and provide motive, intent and the state of mind of the defendants that commit violent crimes. Defense attorneys dispute this and say this confuses art and life and doesn't establish motive or intent. They say that prosecutor's use of rap lyrics is a subtle play on the prejudices of largely middle-class juries to get convictions.

Prosecutors get away with the tagging of young men such as Ross as a gangster in part because more young black males than ever are winding up a courtroom docket and many of them do have gang ties. The plague of gang killing and violence and murders in Los Angeles and other big cites has fueled even more intense public fear and a backlash against black lawbreakers.


But the gang tag against Ross sticks neatly in even greater part because of the relentless media and public tagging of young black males as gangsters. When some young blacks turn to gangs, guns and drugs, and terrorize their communities, much of the press busily titillates the public with inexhaustible features on the "crime prone," "crack plagued," "blood stained streets" of the ghetto. TV action news crews routinely stalk black neighborhoods filming busts for the nightly news.

The explosion of gangster rap and the spate of Hollywood ghetto films convinced many Americans that the gang lifestyle is the black lifestyle. They had ghastly visions of the hordes of gang members heading for their neighborhoods next. The overwhelming majority of the victims of gang attacks are blacks, and the violence almost is exclusively confined to battles over drugs and turf control in poor urban neighborhoods. But with public panic over gangs, and with few accurate numbers on just how many urban youth are actually gang members, some police and city officials play fast and loose with the numbers. In Los Angeles, police claim that more than 700 gangs with 40,000 members ply the streets of the city committing murder and mayhem. Police and city officials have tossed similar colossal figures on gang affiliation around in other big cities.

The gang numbers, whether real or wildly inflated, stir even greater public clamor for lawmakers, police and prosecutors to clean the streets of violent gang members. That includes using gang sweeps, court injunctions, stiff adult prison terms and incarceration for teens, and holding accused teens indefinitely in juvenile jail detention. The Long Beach defendants have been held without bail since Halloween night.

The gang tag on Ross, though there's no proof that he is a gang member, was more than enough for the prosecutor in Long Beach to try and toss the book at him. He and the other defendants vigorously protest their innocence, and there is much doubt whether some or even most of them actually took part in the attack. But if the judge convicts them, that almost certainly will trigger even more debate over whether they were convicted because of a vicious hate assault or because they fit a vicious racial profile. In the end, it could be both.

Earl Ofari Hutchinson is a political analyst and social issues commentator, and the author of The Emerging Black GOP Majority (Middle Passage Press, September 2006). earlofarihutchinson.blogspot.com
hutchinsonreport@aol.com 323-296-6331